Striking for Wages, Not Marriage: How Middle-Class Ideologies of Gender and Whiteness Shaped the Plight of Tailoress Activists

Karina Sumano
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Abstract

This paper focuses on The United Tailoresses Society movement in New York during the 1820’s-1830’s and the white working-class women who led them. White tailoress activists successfully organized unions and labor organizations in response to meager wages, inhumane work conditions, and labor exploitation. The middle-class benevolent society became sympathetic toward the struggles of the tailoress activists but rather than advocating for the demands of the labor movement, they reinforced white, middle-class ideals of femininity onto the working-class women activists. The discourse was centered around solutions that sought to place the labor activist back into the private sphere, such as finding a husband that could financially support them rather than becoming independent women earning fair wages. In this paper, I conduct a textual analysis on historical documents, such as U.S. based newspapers, to examine how the public reinforced middle-class ideologies of gender and whiteness around the plight and demands of the tailoress activists. I argue that the discourse regarding the tailoress activists reinforces white supremacy and evade any progress toward economic liberation across gender and racial lines. I conclude that middle-class ideologies of gender are usually centered around whiteness, which work to uphold white supremacy and capitalism.
为工资而非婚姻而罢工:中产阶级的性别和白人意识形态如何塑造了女裁缝活动家的困境
本文主要研究19世纪20 - 30年代在纽约举行的美国女裁缝协会运动以及领导该运动的白人工人阶级妇女。白人女裁缝活动家成功地组织了工会和劳工组织,以回应微薄的工资、不人道的工作条件和劳动剥削。中产阶级的慈善社会开始同情女裁缝活动家的斗争,但他们没有倡导劳工运动的要求,而是将白人中产阶级的女性气质理想强化到工人阶级的女性活动家身上。讨论的中心是寻求将劳工活动家重新置于私人领域的解决方案,例如找到一个可以在经济上支持她们的丈夫,而不是成为独立的女性,赚取公平的工资。在本文中,我对历史文献(如美国报纸)进行了文本分析,以研究公众如何围绕女裁缝活动家的困境和要求加强中产阶级的性别和白人意识形态。我认为,关于女裁缝活动家的言论强化了白人至上主义,并回避了跨越性别和种族界限的经济解放的任何进展。我的结论是,中产阶级的性别意识形态通常以白人为中心,这有助于维护白人至上主义和资本主义。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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