The lives of others: selecting the Congolese elite (1948–1956)

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Abstract

His superior’s assessment, the many articles in the press and his post as president in multiple associations were testimony to it. The contents of his kitchen and the arrangement of his living room left no room for doubt either: the selection committee was quite clear that they were dealing with a “genuine” évolué. In the summer of 1954, Patrice Lumumba was granted immatriculation and could now be entered into the “Register of the Civilized.”1 Like all those enjoying this legal status, from now on Lumumba no longer had to fear floggings, had equality with Europeans under penal law and was permitted to socialize and drink wine in European districts at night. In brief, he was a member of what colonial policy envisaged as the Congolese elite. But how were holders of this status selected and by whom? What were the key criteria? Who was granted this special legal status? And what advantages did the status reforms confer? We may describe the practical implementation of these reforms as an attempt to translate the attributes of the “perfected black,” as negotiated and propagated in the media, into bureaucratic test criteria. Ultimately, the selection procedure for the carte du mérite civique and immatriculation turned out to be a perfidious practice of colonial rule, with dual objectives. Despite the authorities’ declared commitment to reforms, the goal was to uphold the social order while lending new legitimacy to the hegemony-stabilizing colonial distinction between European and African society. It is important to reaffirm that, despite resistance from the European colonial milieu, the elite’s demand for legal equality with Congo’s European population managed to effect an initial shift of political direction. But the introduction of the carte du mérite civique in July 1948 was only a partial victory. As we will see later in more detail, the relevant decree merely promised several benefits for its holders, to be granted little by little, and the abolition, in part, of the indigénat. This did not, therefore, constitute full legal assimilation of the kind initially demanded by Congolese authors. The carte du mérite civique was no more than a transitional solution through which the architects of colonial policy wished to gain time in order to lay the ground for a more far-reaching reform of immatriculation. At the same time, therefore, Colonial Minister Wigny had instituted an ex-
他人的生活:挑选刚果精英(1948-1956)
他上司的评价、报刊上的许多文章以及他在多个协会担任主席的职位都证明了这一点。他厨房里的东西和客厅的布置也让人毫无疑问:遴选委员会很清楚,他们面对的是一个“真正的”男子。1954年夏天,帕特里斯·卢蒙巴获准入学,现在可以进入“文明人登记册”了。像所有享有这种法律地位的人一样,从现在起,卢蒙巴不再害怕鞭打,在刑法下与欧洲人平等,并被允许在欧洲地区参加社交活动,晚上喝酒。简而言之,他是殖民政策所设想的刚果精英中的一员。但是,拥有这种地位的人是如何选出来的,又是由谁选出来的呢?关键标准是什么?谁获得了这种特殊的法律地位?地位改革带来了什么好处?我们可以将这些改革的实际实施描述为将“完美黑人”的属性转化为官僚主义的测试标准的一种尝试,这种属性在媒体上进行了谈判和宣传。最终,公民和入学证书的选拔程序变成了具有双重目标的背信弃义的殖民统治做法。尽管当局宣称致力于改革,但其目标是维护社会秩序,同时为欧洲和非洲社会之间稳定霸权的殖民区分提供新的合法性。重要的是要重申,尽管受到欧洲殖民环境的抵制,精英阶层要求与刚果的欧洲人口在法律上平等,这成功地实现了政治方向的初步转变。但1948年7月引入的《公民身份证明》只是部分胜利。正如我们稍后将更详细地看到的那样,有关的法令只是承诺给其持有者一些好处,一点一点地给予,并部分地废除靛蓝。因此,这并不构成刚果作者最初所要求的那种完全的法律同化。公民毕业证书只不过是一种过渡性解决办法,殖民政策的设计者希望通过它争取时间,为对入学制度进行更深远的改革奠定基础。因此,与此同时,殖民地部长威格尼设立了一个前
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