Order-Independence and Underspecification

R. Muskens
{"title":"Order-Independence and Underspecification","authors":"R. Muskens","doi":"10.1163/9789004487222_014","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"1. Two Desiderata: Order-independence and Underspecification In standard Montague Semantics we find a very close correspondence between syntactic and semantic rules (the ‘Rule-to-Rule Hypothesis’). This is attractive from a processing point of view, as we like to think of syntactic and semantic processing as being done in tandem, with information flowing in both directions, from parsing to interpretation and vice versa. The parsing procedure erects the necessary scaffolding for interpretation, while semantics (and via semantics context and world knowledge) ideally rules out wrong parses at an early stage. Montague Semantics, however, also seems to favour a strictly bot om up semantic processing architecture. The principle of Compositionality, which says that the meaning of a mother node is to be computed from the meanings of her daughters, seems to enforce such a bottom up procedure. Since we know that parsing algorithms that make use of top down predictions are often much more efficient than those that do not, and since we do not therefore expect human syntactic processing to be strictly bottom up, there is a dilemma. On the one hand, we want interpretation to be order-independent: it should not be decided a priori whether we assign meanings in a top-down, a bottom-up, or any other fashion. On the other hand, the building block picture of meaning that the principle of Compositionality has to offer is attractive too, if it were only because it explains why language users seem to be able to construct unlimited numbers of meanings from the finite set they find in the lexicon. A second desirable constraint on processing meanings has to do with the many readings that semantic theories normally assign to any given syntactic input and the combinatorial explosion resulting from this multitude of analyses. As the average sentence will naturally contain at least some scope bearing elements, the number of readings of even a short text may well run into the thousands. Poesio [1994], inspired by Lincoln’s saying no doubt, gives the example in (1). Since the two conjuncts of this sentence count five scope bearing elements each, there will be 5!*5! = 14400 permutations of these elements that respect the constraint that conjunctions are scope islands. Not all of these permutations lead to semantically different readings, but the number of readings that are predicted is still immense.","PeriodicalId":448521,"journal":{"name":"Context-Dependence in the Analysis of Linguistic Meaning","volume":"117 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"36","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Context-Dependence in the Analysis of Linguistic Meaning","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004487222_014","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 36

Abstract

1. Two Desiderata: Order-independence and Underspecification In standard Montague Semantics we find a very close correspondence between syntactic and semantic rules (the ‘Rule-to-Rule Hypothesis’). This is attractive from a processing point of view, as we like to think of syntactic and semantic processing as being done in tandem, with information flowing in both directions, from parsing to interpretation and vice versa. The parsing procedure erects the necessary scaffolding for interpretation, while semantics (and via semantics context and world knowledge) ideally rules out wrong parses at an early stage. Montague Semantics, however, also seems to favour a strictly bot om up semantic processing architecture. The principle of Compositionality, which says that the meaning of a mother node is to be computed from the meanings of her daughters, seems to enforce such a bottom up procedure. Since we know that parsing algorithms that make use of top down predictions are often much more efficient than those that do not, and since we do not therefore expect human syntactic processing to be strictly bottom up, there is a dilemma. On the one hand, we want interpretation to be order-independent: it should not be decided a priori whether we assign meanings in a top-down, a bottom-up, or any other fashion. On the other hand, the building block picture of meaning that the principle of Compositionality has to offer is attractive too, if it were only because it explains why language users seem to be able to construct unlimited numbers of meanings from the finite set they find in the lexicon. A second desirable constraint on processing meanings has to do with the many readings that semantic theories normally assign to any given syntactic input and the combinatorial explosion resulting from this multitude of analyses. As the average sentence will naturally contain at least some scope bearing elements, the number of readings of even a short text may well run into the thousands. Poesio [1994], inspired by Lincoln’s saying no doubt, gives the example in (1). Since the two conjuncts of this sentence count five scope bearing elements each, there will be 5!*5! = 14400 permutations of these elements that respect the constraint that conjunctions are scope islands. Not all of these permutations lead to semantically different readings, but the number of readings that are predicted is still immense.
顺序独立和规格不足
1. 在标准蒙太古语义学中,我们发现句法规则和语义规则之间有非常密切的对应关系(“规则对规则假设”)。从处理的角度来看,这是很有吸引力的,因为我们喜欢将语法和语义处理看作是串联完成的,信息在两个方向上流动,从解析到解释,反之亦然。解析过程为解释搭建了必要的框架,而语义(以及通过语义上下文和世界知识)理想地在早期阶段排除了错误的解析。然而,蒙塔古语义学似乎也倾向于一种严格向上的语义处理体系结构。组合性原则(Compositionality principle)认为,一个母节点的意义要从她的子节点的意义中计算出来,这似乎强制执行了这样一个自下而上的过程。由于我们知道,使用自顶向下预测的解析算法通常比不使用自顶向下预测的解析算法效率高得多,并且由于我们并不因此期望人类的语法处理严格地是自底向上的,因此存在一个困境。一方面,我们希望解释是顺序独立的:不应该先验地决定我们是否以自上而下,自下而上或任何其他方式分配意义。另一方面,如果仅仅因为它解释了为什么语言使用者似乎能够从他们在词典中找到的有限集合中构建出无限数量的意义,那么组合性原则所提供的意义构建块图也很有吸引力。处理意义的第二个理想约束与语义理论通常分配给任何给定语法输入的许多阅读以及由大量分析产生的组合爆炸有关。由于平均每个句子都会包含至少一些与范围有关的元素,因此即使是一篇短文,阅读的次数也可能达到数千次。Poesio[1994]受林肯的“no doubt”这句话的启发,给出了(1)中的例子。由于这句话的两个连词各有五个范围承载元素,所以会有5!*5!= 14400个这些元素的排列尊重连接是范围岛的约束。并非所有这些排列都会导致语义上不同的读数,但是预测的读数数量仍然是巨大的。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 求助全文
来源期刊
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:604180095
Book学术官方微信