The Rise of Independent Directors in Australia: Adoption, Reform and Uncertainty

L. Nottage, F. Aoun
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Nonetheless, there has been a shift since the early 1990s away from executive boards towards “monitoring” boards, with fewer members and more IDs, who are expected moreover to maintain minimum standards across a variety of roles.Yet this transition has not been rapid or particularly smooth (Part III). Following the corporate excesses of the late 1980s, in 1992 the ASX suggested the introduction of mandatory requirements for IDs. Following business opposition, it then proposed a UK-style “comply-or-explain” regime in 1994, but eventually had to settle on an even weaker disclosure regime from 1996. Only after a wave of much more serious corporate failures from around 2001, including one (One.Tel) harming very influential blockholders, did the ASX implement (from 2004) a requirement for listed companies to adopt a majority of IDs on an “if not, why not” basis. Minor revisions were made in 2007, but somewhat more stringent standards were implemented from 2014. The latter changes occurred in the shadow of some post-GFC legislative initiatives and case law that generally expanded the scope of duties owed by directors (including IDs), even though for various reasons Australia did not suffer major bank failures or a recession.As explained in Part IV, the cornerstone remains these ASX “Principles and Recommendations”, underpinned by Listing Rules (which furthermore mandate an audit committee since 2004, and a remuneration committee since 2011 albeit only for the largest 300 companies, each requiring a majority of IDs). There are comparatively and increasingly detailed criteria for assessing independence, such as whether the director has direct (or, since 2014, “family”) links with a “substantial” (5% ) shareholder. This factor differs from the US and appears to be derived from the UK, but it makes more theoretical sense in Australia given its significant blockholder tradition. Another interesting development has been a compromise reached in the 2014 ASX Principles regarding length of tenure, partly influenced by developments further afield including in Singapore and Hong Kong.Nonetheless, there is still only weak empirical evidence in Australia of positive effects from IDs, with respect to enhancing risk management and particularly corporate performance overall (Part V). A controversial econometric study published in 2013 concluded that over $69 billion in corporate value had been destroyed over 2003-2011 by the (largely) “if not, why not” ASX requirement for a majority of IDs on listed company boards. The authors were particularly critical of the ASX’s view that major shareholders (or nominees etc.) would lack independence as directors, arguing that they instead have incentives to monitor management better. 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Abstract

Australia has a tradition of surprisingly large non-institutional blockholders in companies listed on the Australian Securities Exchange (ASX). This has arguably impacted on the roles and composition of boards. As outlined in Part II of this paper, for a book project on the spread of independent directors (IDs) throughout the Asian region, there has been a longstanding tension between those in Australia preferring a narrower view of directors’ roles and duties (focused on corporate performance) and those advocating a broader view (including more emphasis on risk management, which may favour smaller shareholders with less information about their firm’s activities). Nonetheless, there has been a shift since the early 1990s away from executive boards towards “monitoring” boards, with fewer members and more IDs, who are expected moreover to maintain minimum standards across a variety of roles.Yet this transition has not been rapid or particularly smooth (Part III). Following the corporate excesses of the late 1980s, in 1992 the ASX suggested the introduction of mandatory requirements for IDs. Following business opposition, it then proposed a UK-style “comply-or-explain” regime in 1994, but eventually had to settle on an even weaker disclosure regime from 1996. Only after a wave of much more serious corporate failures from around 2001, including one (One.Tel) harming very influential blockholders, did the ASX implement (from 2004) a requirement for listed companies to adopt a majority of IDs on an “if not, why not” basis. Minor revisions were made in 2007, but somewhat more stringent standards were implemented from 2014. The latter changes occurred in the shadow of some post-GFC legislative initiatives and case law that generally expanded the scope of duties owed by directors (including IDs), even though for various reasons Australia did not suffer major bank failures or a recession.As explained in Part IV, the cornerstone remains these ASX “Principles and Recommendations”, underpinned by Listing Rules (which furthermore mandate an audit committee since 2004, and a remuneration committee since 2011 albeit only for the largest 300 companies, each requiring a majority of IDs). There are comparatively and increasingly detailed criteria for assessing independence, such as whether the director has direct (or, since 2014, “family”) links with a “substantial” (5% ) shareholder. This factor differs from the US and appears to be derived from the UK, but it makes more theoretical sense in Australia given its significant blockholder tradition. Another interesting development has been a compromise reached in the 2014 ASX Principles regarding length of tenure, partly influenced by developments further afield including in Singapore and Hong Kong.Nonetheless, there is still only weak empirical evidence in Australia of positive effects from IDs, with respect to enhancing risk management and particularly corporate performance overall (Part V). A controversial econometric study published in 2013 concluded that over $69 billion in corporate value had been destroyed over 2003-2011 by the (largely) “if not, why not” ASX requirement for a majority of IDs on listed company boards. The authors were particularly critical of the ASX’s view that major shareholders (or nominees etc.) would lack independence as directors, arguing that they instead have incentives to monitor management better. However, this criterion was not changed significantly in 2014, with one concern being that a relaxation might disproportionately benefit large over smaller shareholders.There has also been little impact on policy-makers and regulators from a few other academic papers in Australia, which have recently queried the received wisdom about IDs from a variety of perspectives. Though speculative, a subconscious “status quo bias” may be at work, as well as interest group politics – there is now a large (and well-networked) anointed group of incumbent IDs, as well as various professional associations involved in “training” them. This lack of public discussion is unfortunate, as many problems remain to be properly explored from theoretical, empirical and comparative perspectives (Part VI), in order to potentially improve corporate governance in Australia and impact on developments abroad – especially in the Asian region.
澳大利亚独立董事制度的兴起:采纳、改革与不确定性
澳大利亚有一个传统,在澳大利亚证券交易所(ASX)上市的公司中,非机构大股东的数量惊人。这无疑影响了董事会的角色和组成。正如本文第二部分所概述的,对于一个关于独立董事(id)在整个亚洲地区传播的书籍项目,澳大利亚人更倾向于对董事角色和职责(专注于公司绩效)的狭隘观点与那些主张更广泛观点(包括更多强调风险管理,这可能有利于对其公司活动信息较少的小股东)的人之间存在长期紧张关系。尽管如此,自20世纪90年代初以来,已经出现了从执行董事会向“监督”董事会的转变,董事会成员更少,id更多,此外,人们期望id在各种角色中保持最低标准。然而,这种转变并不迅速或特别顺利(第三部分)。在20世纪80年代末的企业过度行为之后,澳大利亚证券交易所(ASX)在1992年建议引入对身份证的强制性要求。在遭到商界反对后,该委员会于1994年提出了一种英国式的“要么服从,要么解释”制度,但最终不得不从1996年起决定采用一种更弱的披露制度。直到2001年前后发生了一波严重得多的公司倒闭事件,其中包括一家(one . tel)伤害了非常有影响力的大股东之后,澳大利亚证券交易所(ASX)才(从2004年开始)要求上市公司在“如果不采用,为什么不采用”的基础上采用多数id。2007年对标准进行了小幅修订,但从2014年开始实施了更严格的标准。后一种变化是在全球金融危机后的一些立法举措和判例法的阴影下发生的,这些立法举措和判例法普遍扩大了董事(包括董事)的职责范围,尽管由于各种原因,澳大利亚没有遭受重大银行倒闭或经济衰退。正如第四部分所解释的那样,基石仍然是ASX的“原则和建议”,以上市规则为基础(自2004年以来,上市规则进一步要求成立审计委员会,自2011年以来成立薪酬委员会,尽管仅针对最大的300家公司,每家公司都需要多数id)。相对而言,评估独立性的标准越来越详细,比如董事是否与“重要”(5%)股东有直接(或自2014年以来的“家族”)联系。这一因素与美国不同,似乎源于英国,但考虑到澳大利亚重要的大股东传统,它在理论上更有意义。另一个有趣的发展是2014年ASX原则在任期长度方面达成的妥协,部分受到新加坡和香港等更远地区发展的影响。尽管如此,在澳大利亚,关于id对增强风险管理,特别是公司整体绩效的积极影响的实证证据仍然很薄弱(第五部分)。2013年发表的一项有争议的计量经济学研究得出结论,2003-2011年期间,超过690亿美元的公司价值被ASX(很大程度上)“如果没有,为什么不”上市公司董事会中大多数id的要求所摧毁。澳大利亚证券交易所认为,大股东(或被提名者等)作为董事将缺乏独立性,作者对这种观点尤其持批评态度,认为他们反而有更好地监督管理层的动机。然而,这一标准在2014年没有发生重大变化,其中一个担忧是,放宽限制可能会不成比例地惠及大股东,而不是小股东。澳大利亚的其他几篇学术论文对政策制定者和监管机构也没有产生什么影响,这些论文最近从不同的角度质疑了有关身份证的公认智慧。尽管是推测性的,但潜意识的“现状偏见”可能在起作用,利益集团政治也在起作用——现在有一个庞大的(且网络良好的)受任命的现任id群体,以及参与“培训”他们的各种专业协会。这种缺乏公开讨论是不幸的,因为许多问题仍然需要从理论,实证和比较的角度进行适当的探索(第六部分),以便有可能改善澳大利亚的公司治理并影响国外的发展-特别是在亚洲地区。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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