Contemplating the WTO from the Margins

R. Gordon
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引用次数: 6

Abstract

The World Trade Organization (WTO) is an increasingly powerful and sophisticated organization that is at the center of both the world trade system and what is often posited as the inexorable tide of globalization. Its membership is nearly universal, 1 and unlike international financial institutions such as the World Bank, it has a more democratic governing structure where each nation has a vote and decisions are made by consensus. The vast majority of its Members are the poor and unindustrialized nations of the Third World. Development is always at the center of Southern tier goals, and trade has now been explicitly linked to development. Indeed, there are provisions in WTO Agreements regarding special and differential treatment, and economic development. Moreover, WTO agreements now contain special provisions for least developed countries, many of which are found on the African continent. Notwithstanding these dispensations, the nations of Africa and other small, poor, unindustrialized nations that are on the periphery of the international trade system remain in rather wretched economic circumstances, and they appear set to remain there indefinitely. This essay speaks to the location of these nations within this paradigm and to their prospects for achieving their goals within the contemporary system. It begins with a brief and very general outline of how the trade regime has responded to the needs of Southern tier countries, and then explores how the WTO as an institution bears upon these nations, including an appraisal of how they have fared within an organization that professes to be more democratic. It then turns to development, which is the perpetual benchmark for impoverished nations in the international system and the reason they have endeavored to become part of the international trade regime. This essay then considers the intersection of the neoliberal development paradigm and a WTO ideology that claims it can raise all boats, including the vessel that will finally realize development. The premises underlying both of these theories will be explored, as well as whether these undertakings may ultimately prove impossible to attain. Even if there is commitment and enthusiasm on all sides, it is likely that any good faith emanating from the industrializing world will fade when their domestic constituencies begin pressing for protection.
从边缘思考WTO
世界贸易组织(WTO)是一个日益强大和复杂的组织,是世界贸易体系的中心,也是经常被认为是不可阻挡的全球化浪潮的中心。亚投行成员几乎是全球性的,与世界银行(World Bank)等国际金融机构不同,亚投行拥有更为民主的治理结构,每个国家都有投票权,决策是通过协商一致做出的。其绝大多数成员国是第三世界的贫穷和未工业化国家。发展始终是南方国家目标的中心,贸易现在已经明确地与发展联系在一起。的确,世贸组织协定中有关于特殊和差别待遇以及经济发展的规定。此外,世贸组织协定现在载有针对最不发达国家的特别规定,其中许多是在非洲大陆。尽管有这些分配,非洲国家和其他处于国际贸易体系边缘的贫穷、未工业化的小国家仍然处于相当糟糕的经济环境中,而且似乎将无限期地保持下去。本文讨论了这些国家在这一范式中的位置,以及它们在当代体系中实现目标的前景。它首先简要概括地概述了贸易体制是如何对南方国家的需求做出反应的,然后探讨了世贸组织作为一个机构对这些国家的影响,包括对它们在一个自称更民主的组织内的表现的评估。然后转向发展,这是贫穷国家在国际体系中永恒的基准,也是它们努力成为国际贸易体制一部分的原因。然后,本文考虑了新自由主义发展范式和世贸组织意识形态的交集,该意识形态声称它可以提高所有船只,包括最终实现发展的船只。这两种理论的前提将被探讨,以及这些事业是否最终被证明是不可能实现的。即使各方都有承诺和热情,当他们的国内选民开始迫切要求保护时,来自工业化世界的任何善意都可能会消退。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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