{"title":"Paul Frymer, Black and Blue: African Americans, the Labor Movement, and the Decline of the Democratic Party","authors":"Simon Topping","doi":"10.1086/jaahv94n3p446","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Paul Frymer, Black and Blue: African Americans, the Labor Movement, and the Decline of the Democratic Party. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008. Pp. 202. Cloth $55.00. Paper $24.95. Paul Frymer's Black and Blue is primarily concerned with the labor movement and the quest for racial equality within it, and the impact this quest had on the Democratic Party. He argues that the 1964 Civil Rights Act has dictated the nature of the fight against employment discrimination, rather than the 1935 Wagner Act creating the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) which oversees elections for union representation. A study in American Political Development (APD), Frymer concludes that the courts, rather than the Congress, dictate how racial discrimination issues in the workplace and in unions should be handled, and this development has been to the detriment of the labor movement and the broader Democratic coalition. Thus Frymer believes he is offering us in part a \"biography and autopsy of the Democratic Party.\" Frymer notes that white racism has not only divided the labor movement, but also that it was \"institutionalized\" within it to the extent that racist practices have proven incredibly difficult to exorcise. He asserts that neither civil rights nor labor leaders have been able to articulate effectively how class and race are linked in capitalist America and as a result, unions on the whole have become weaker than ever, a situation exacerbated by internal problems within the Democratic Party. In fact, his central conclusion is that, although designed for very different purposes, the Wagner Act and the 1964 Civil Rights Act \"'institutionalized the labor-race divide\" and the social conflict that this fostered has made other societal problems worse. Moreover, what remains of the New Deal's legacy continues to be challenged by conservatives, and the courts have become \"even more central to the state than ever before.\" The courts required integrated and diversified unions, but in doing so fundamentally weakened them as part of the Democratic or New Deal coalition. The persistence of white working-class racism and blue-collar votes for the Republican Party consistently undermined union gains and weakened pro-labor interests. Corporate capitalists and Republican politicians use race as a way of dividing workers. While Frymer agrees that race remains an important factor in American politics, he suggests that seeing it is an individual and \"irrational\" phenomenon, and categorized as a \"psychological disorder,\" allows white racism to be depoliticized, and as a consequence, it is dismissed or simply understood as a relic of less enlightened times. Frymer argues that white racism is not simply about the flaws of individuals, but is the product of a political system that nominally promotes nondiscrimination, while successful appeals to racist beliefs continue. Yet he is not downhearted: \"Seeing racism as institutionally driven, however, offers greater optimism for the future. …","PeriodicalId":253318,"journal":{"name":"Journal of African American History","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2009-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"2","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of African American History","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1086/jaahv94n3p446","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
Abstract
Paul Frymer, Black and Blue: African Americans, the Labor Movement, and the Decline of the Democratic Party. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008. Pp. 202. Cloth $55.00. Paper $24.95. Paul Frymer's Black and Blue is primarily concerned with the labor movement and the quest for racial equality within it, and the impact this quest had on the Democratic Party. He argues that the 1964 Civil Rights Act has dictated the nature of the fight against employment discrimination, rather than the 1935 Wagner Act creating the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) which oversees elections for union representation. A study in American Political Development (APD), Frymer concludes that the courts, rather than the Congress, dictate how racial discrimination issues in the workplace and in unions should be handled, and this development has been to the detriment of the labor movement and the broader Democratic coalition. Thus Frymer believes he is offering us in part a "biography and autopsy of the Democratic Party." Frymer notes that white racism has not only divided the labor movement, but also that it was "institutionalized" within it to the extent that racist practices have proven incredibly difficult to exorcise. He asserts that neither civil rights nor labor leaders have been able to articulate effectively how class and race are linked in capitalist America and as a result, unions on the whole have become weaker than ever, a situation exacerbated by internal problems within the Democratic Party. In fact, his central conclusion is that, although designed for very different purposes, the Wagner Act and the 1964 Civil Rights Act "'institutionalized the labor-race divide" and the social conflict that this fostered has made other societal problems worse. Moreover, what remains of the New Deal's legacy continues to be challenged by conservatives, and the courts have become "even more central to the state than ever before." The courts required integrated and diversified unions, but in doing so fundamentally weakened them as part of the Democratic or New Deal coalition. The persistence of white working-class racism and blue-collar votes for the Republican Party consistently undermined union gains and weakened pro-labor interests. Corporate capitalists and Republican politicians use race as a way of dividing workers. While Frymer agrees that race remains an important factor in American politics, he suggests that seeing it is an individual and "irrational" phenomenon, and categorized as a "psychological disorder," allows white racism to be depoliticized, and as a consequence, it is dismissed or simply understood as a relic of less enlightened times. Frymer argues that white racism is not simply about the flaws of individuals, but is the product of a political system that nominally promotes nondiscrimination, while successful appeals to racist beliefs continue. Yet he is not downhearted: "Seeing racism as institutionally driven, however, offers greater optimism for the future. …
保罗·弗莱默,《黑与蓝:非裔美国人、劳工运动和民主党的衰落》。普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,2008。202页。布55.00美元。论文24.95美元。保罗·弗莱默(Paul Frymer)的《黑与蓝》(Black and Blue)主要关注劳工运动及其对种族平等的追求,以及这种追求对民主党的影响。他认为,1964年的《民权法案》(Civil Rights Act)规定了反对就业歧视的性质,而1935年的《瓦格纳法案》(Wagner Act)创立了国家劳资关系委员会(National Labor Relations Board,简称NLRB),负责监督工会代表的选举。弗莱默在《美国政治发展》(American Political Development, APD)上的一项研究中得出结论,法院而不是国会决定如何处理工作场所和工会中的种族歧视问题,这种发展对劳工运动和更广泛的民主党联盟造成了损害。因此,弗莱默相信他在一定程度上为我们提供了“民主党的传记和解剖”。弗莱默指出,白人种族主义不仅分裂了劳工运动,而且在其中被“制度化”,以至于种族主义行为被证明是难以消除的。他断言,在资本主义的美国,无论是民权领袖还是劳工领袖都无法有效地阐明阶级和种族是如何联系在一起的,因此,工会整体上变得比以往任何时候都弱,民主党内部的问题加剧了这种情况。事实上,他的中心结论是,尽管《瓦格纳法》和1964年《民权法》的设计目的截然不同,但它们“将劳资分歧制度化”,而由此引发的社会冲突使其他社会问题变得更糟。此外,新政遗留下来的遗产继续受到保守派的挑战,法院“比以往任何时候都更加重要”。法院要求整合和多样化的工会,但这样做从根本上削弱了他们作为民主党或新政联盟的一部分。白人工人阶级的种族主义和蓝领阶层对共和党的支持不断削弱工会的利益,削弱了亲劳工的利益。企业资本家和共和党政客利用种族作为分裂工人的一种方式。虽然弗莱默同意种族仍然是美国政治中的一个重要因素,但他认为,将种族主义视为一种个人的、“非理性的”现象,并将其归类为一种“心理障碍”,会让白人种族主义被去政治化,因此,它被忽视,或者被简单地理解为不那么开明时代的遗物。弗莱默认为,白人种族主义不仅仅是个人的缺陷,而是一种政治制度的产物,这种制度名义上提倡不歧视,而对种族主义信仰的成功呼吁仍在继续。然而,他并不沮丧:“然而,将种族主义视为制度驱动,让我们对未来更加乐观。...