Aid Targeting in Post Conflict Nepal

M. Binetti, M. Steinwand
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Abstract

International aid plays an important role in the reconstruction of war-torn societies after the end of civil war, but its effectiveness depends on whether aid reaches the neediest recipients. We study how power sharing in Nepal's post-conflict transition affected the political capture of aid. We argue that despite the explicit inclusion of disadvantaged groups in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement from 2006 and the Interim Constitution, regions that neither aligned with the Maoist rebels nor the government during the civil war remained politically disadvantaged. A possible causal mechanism is the low threat potential of non-combatant groups, which results in under-representation during peace negotiations and in post-conflict institutions. We present statistical evidence that districts in which neither the government nor the Maoist rebels (CPN(M)) had political support during the conflict receive systematically less aid during the post-conflict period, regardless of economic need or damage caused by fighting. At the same time, support for the CPN(M) during the conflict is a significant predictor for higher post-conflict aid flows, but only in times when the CPN(M) holds government office.
冲突后尼泊尔的援助目标
国际援助在内战结束后饱受战争蹂躏的社会的重建中发挥着重要作用,但其有效性取决于援助是否到达最需要的受援者手中。我们研究尼泊尔冲突后过渡时期的权力分享如何影响援助的政治捕获。我们认为,尽管2006年的《全面和平协议》和《临时宪法》明确纳入了弱势群体,但在内战期间既不与毛派叛军结盟,也不与政府结盟的地区,在政治上仍然处于弱势地位。一个可能的因果机制是,非战斗群体的威胁潜力低,导致在和平谈判期间和冲突后机构中的代表性不足。我们提供的统计证据表明,在冲突期间,无论是政府还是毛派叛军(CPN(M))都没有得到政治支持的地区,在冲突后时期,无论经济需求或战斗造成的破坏如何,得到的援助都有系统地减少。与此同时,冲突期间对尼泊尔共产党(毛主义)的支持是冲突后援助流量增加的重要预测因素,但仅在尼泊尔共产党(毛主义)执政期间。
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