A political economy of African regionalisms: introduction

Wil Hout, Mustafa A. Salih
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Abstract

Recent accounts of ‘Africa Rising’, as well as older claims that the twentyfirst century would be an ‘African Century’,1 have undeniably led to greater attention to the economic and political potential of countries on the African continent. Ever since the adoption, in 1991, of the so-called Abuja Treaty on the establishment of an African Economic Community by the heads of state and government assembled in the Organization of African Unity (OAU), regional economic collaboration has been an integral part of the African political agenda. The Abuja Treaty adopted a stepwise approach to the creation of the African Economic Community, which should be in place by 2025 (Organization of African Unity 1991: art. 6). Despite the treaty’s grand intentions, most of the six ‘stages’ described in the agreement have not been reached. In March 2018, almost 27 years after the adoption of the Abuja Treaty, 47 African countries were signatories to the Kigali Declaration for the Launch of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), while 44 signed the AfCFTA agreement. The latter specified as its first objective the creation of ‘a single market for goods, services, facilitated by movement of persons in order to deepen the economic integration of the African continent and in accordance with the Pan African Vision of “An integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa” enshrined in Agenda 2063’ (African Union 2018a: art. 3a). The ‘reiteration’ of the ‘solemn resolve to deepen our integration through the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA)’ in the Kigali Declaration (African Union 2018c: Preamble) brings to mind many earlier attempts to kick-start economic integration on the continent. The Kigali Declaration would seem to be easy prey for critics, who could echo Jeffrey Herbst’s (2007: 129) scepticism that the history of regional cooperation in Africa is ‘a veritable organizational junkyard of unsuccessful attempts to reduce the continent’s balkanization [sic]’. We do not rank ourselves among the sceptics à la Herbst, since we recognize that many
非洲地区主义的政治经济学:导论
最近关于“非洲崛起”的报道,以及更早的关于21世纪将是“非洲世纪”的说法,都无可否认地引起了人们对非洲大陆各国经济和政治潜力的更多关注。自从1991年聚集在非洲统一组织(非统组织)内的国家元首和政府首脑通过关于建立非洲经济共同体的所谓《阿布贾条约》以来,区域经济合作一直是非洲政治议程的一个组成部分。《阿布贾条约》对建立非洲经济共同体采取了循序渐进的办法,该共同体应于2025年建立(1991年非洲统一组织:第2条)。尽管条约有着宏伟的意图,但协议中所描述的六个“阶段”中的大部分尚未实现。2018年3月,在《阿布贾条约》通过近27年后,47个非洲国家签署了《启动非洲大陆自由贸易区基加利宣言》,44个非洲国家签署了《非洲大陆自由贸易区协定》。后者将创建一个由人员流动促进的单一商品和服务市场作为其首要目标,以深化非洲大陆的经济一体化,并符合《2063年议程》中所载的“一个一体化、繁荣与和平的非洲”的泛非愿景(非洲联盟2018a: art)。3)。《基加利宣言》(非盟2018c:序言)中“重申”“庄严决心通过非洲大陆自由贸易区(AfCFTA)深化我们的一体化”,这让人想起了许多早期启动非洲大陆经济一体化的尝试。基加利宣言似乎很容易成为批评者的猎物,他们可能会呼应Jeffrey Herbst(2007: 129)的怀疑,即非洲区域合作的历史是“一个真正的组织垃圾场,试图减少非洲大陆的巴尔干化[原文如此]”。我们并不把自己列入怀疑论者(la Herbst)之列,因为我们认识到有许多怀疑论者
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