Russian-African relations and the US factor in 2015–2018

A. Urnov
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

This article is an attempt to trace the impact of the US factor on the Russian African relations during the last years of B. Obama’s administration rule and at the initial stage of D. Trump presidency (2015–2018). The comparative assessment of Moscow and Washington African policy is made. The author demonstrates distinctions and continuity in the activities of the two US administrations in Africa. D. Trump has not included Africa in the list of his foreign policy priorities. Washington however has no intention to withdraw from the Black continent. There, as everywhere, “the American leadership” remains the invariable aim. In the 21th century, the Russia Federation policy in Africa has become much more active. Guided by the concept of multipolar world and in view of its current potential, economic in particular, Moscow has no intention to compete with the USA and other foreign actors for the overwhelming influence in Africa. Its tasks are pragmatic and realistic. In Africa, as globally, the US policy towards Russia is hostile. However the author is of the opinion that Washington does not consider Russia as a serious threaten for its positions and plans in Africa. The new National security strategy of the United States of America approved in December 2018 is full of antirussian outbursts, but in a section, dealing with the US priorities in Africa, Russia is not mentioned. The main American enemies there are international terrorists and China. Hence, no tough confrontation between the two parties – so far. Therefore rivalry there is confined to competition. The article is focused on visits in March 2018 of the Russian foreign minister S. Lavrov to Angola, Namibia, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Ethiopia and of then US Secretary of State R.Tillerson to Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Chad and Nigeria. The situation around some most sensitive US-Russia points of intersection in Africa – such as Egypt, Libya and South Africa Republic – is analyzed. The development of Cairo’s bilateral relations with Washington and Moscow is reviewed. It is noted that cooperation between Russia and Egypt is of mutual benefit and that the two countries need each other. But of this cooperation has its limits as the USA remains the main foreign partner of Egypt. The conclusion is that Russia has taken a course for a gradual restoration of its positions in Libya after the overthrow of M. Kaddafi. Moscow’s contribution to the settlement of the political crisis in the country is explored. Constructive contacts have been established with all major participants of this process. Special attention is paid to the National Libyan Army Commander, Field-Marshal H. Haftar. The United States preferences the head of the Government of national accord F. Sarraj. The attempts to interfere into Russia – South Africa using the resignation of president J. Zuma who firmly stood for friendship with Moscow have failed. The new president S. Ramaphosa has confirmed the policy of strong bilateral cooperation.
2015-2018年俄非关系和美国因素
本文试图追溯在奥巴马政府执政的最后几年和特朗普总统任期初期(2015-2018),美国因素对俄非关系的影响。对莫斯科和华盛顿的非洲政策进行了比较评估。作者论证了两届美国政府在非洲活动的区别和连续性。特朗普没有把非洲列入他的外交政策优先事项清单。然而,华盛顿无意从非洲大陆撤军。在那里,和其他地方一样,“美国的领导地位”仍然是不变的目标。进入21世纪,俄罗斯联邦在非洲的政策变得更加积极。在多极世界概念的指导下,鉴于其目前的潜力,特别是经济潜力,莫斯科无意与美国和其他外国势力争夺在非洲的压倒性影响力。它的任务是务实和现实的。在非洲,就像在全球一样,美国对俄罗斯的政策是敌对的。然而,作者认为,华盛顿并不认为俄罗斯对其在非洲的立场和计划构成严重威胁。2018年12月批准的美国新国家安全战略充满了反俄情绪,但在涉及美国在非洲优先事项的章节中,没有提到俄罗斯。美国在那里的主要敌人是国际恐怖分子和中国。因此,到目前为止,两党之间没有发生激烈的对抗。因此,那里的竞争仅限于竞争。这篇文章的重点是2018年3月俄罗斯外交部长拉夫罗夫访问安哥拉、纳米比亚、莫桑比克、津巴布韦和埃塞俄比亚,时任美国国务卿蒂勒森访问吉布提、埃塞俄比亚、肯尼亚、乍得和尼日利亚。本文分析了美俄在非洲一些最敏感的交点——如埃及、利比亚和南非共和国——周围的局势。回顾了开罗与华盛顿和莫斯科双边关系的发展。双方指出,俄埃合作是互利共赢的,两国相互需要。但这种合作也有其局限性,因为美国仍然是埃及的主要外国伙伴。结论是,在卡扎菲被推翻后,俄罗斯已经采取了逐步恢复其在利比亚地位的措施。探讨了莫斯科对解决该国政治危机的贡献。已同这一进程的所有主要参与者建立了建设性接触。特别注意的是利比亚国民军指挥官哈夫塔尔元帅。美国倾向于民族和解政府首脑萨拉杰。试图利用总统祖马的辞职来干涉俄罗斯和南非的企图失败了,祖马坚定地代表着与莫斯科的友谊。新总统拉马福萨确认了加强双边合作的政策。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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