“Bringing conversion down to earth”

S. Coleman
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

There is a striking moment that is described late on in Nathaniel Roberts’ illuminating ethnography of conversion in a Dalit slum, situated a little way out from Chennai’s city center. Roberts is sitting in the house of his informant Celvi, one of many local women who have converted to Christianity, and she tells him, with some passion: “There are no good pastors—only Jesus is good!” (2016: 202). Celvi’s sentiment is revealing in a number of ways, not all of them obvious. To be sure, her proclamation of Jesus’ power makes her sound like Pentecostals the world over, and her mistrust of all-too-human pastors is not so unusual. But Celvi does not use her religion to insulate herself from non-Christian others, or to view them as morally compromised. In fact, religion in the slum seems to have very little to do with questions of identity or boundary-making, whether personal or collective. It does not lead to violent communal conflicts between Christians and Hindus, or to heated theological arguments. Nor does it pose unsettling questions about free will, autonomy, or cultural authenticity, as one might expect from other contexts where Pentecostal churches attempt to attract followers. Rather, in Roberts’ analysis, it helps to “suture” some of the moral fault lines that might otherwise divide slum dwellers, so that “The conversion of some residents to a different religion, instead of dividing the slum community, in fact serve[s] to unite it” (11). To Be Cared For is a book that uses closely observed ethnography to argue for what often appear to be counter-intuitive ways of thinking about religion, moral commitment, and belonging. The focus is ostensibly on conversion, but this theme is not highlighted until Chapter 5, and even then we do not read accounts of aggressive proselytizing or missionizing. By the time conversion comes to the fore, we have learned much about what it means to belong to Anbu Nagar, the slum neighborhood, as well as about how slum dwellers, including Hindus, reject caste ideologies in favor of twin ideals of deserving and giving care, and “being human.” To act and be recognized as human, indeed, is a powerful form of belonging: not merely to the slum, but also to an imagined and overarching humanity that exists in foreign realms beyond the national framework that surrounds, and oppresses, Dalit life. Of course, despite such ideals, practice is more complicated, as cooperation and sharing are threatened by tensions over spendthrift husbands, competitive pastors, and
“让信仰回归现实”
纳撒尼尔·罗伯茨(Nathaniel Roberts)在离钦奈市中心不远的一个达利特贫民窟里写了一本关于皈依的人种志,书的后面描述了一个引人注目的时刻。罗伯茨坐在他的线人塞尔维的家里,塞尔维是当地许多皈依基督教的妇女之一,她带着一些激情告诉他:“没有好的牧师,只有耶稣是好的!”(2016: 202)。塞尔维的情绪在很多方面都很明显,但并不都是显而易见的。可以肯定的是,她对耶稣力量的宣讲使她听起来像全世界的五旬节派教徒,而她对过于人性化的牧师的不信任也并不罕见。但塞尔维并没有利用她的宗教信仰将自己与非基督徒隔离开来,也没有将他们视为道德上的妥协。事实上,无论是个人还是集体,贫民窟的宗教似乎与身份认同或边界划定问题几乎没有关系。它不会导致基督徒和印度教徒之间的暴力冲突,也不会引发激烈的神学争论。它也没有提出关于自由意志、自治或文化真实性的令人不安的问题,正如人们可能期望的那样,在其他情况下,五旬节派教会试图吸引追随者。相反,在罗伯茨的分析中,它有助于“缝合”一些道德断层,否则这些道德断层可能会分裂贫民窟居民,因此“一些居民皈依不同的宗教,而不是分裂贫民窟社区,实际上有助于团结”(11)。《被关心》是一本通过密切观察民族志来论证通常看起来是反直觉的关于宗教、道德承诺和归属感的思考方式的书。表面上的重点是皈依,但这个主题直到第5章才被强调,即使在第5章,我们也没有读到激进的改宗或传教的记载。当皈依成为焦点时,我们已经了解了属于Anbu Nagar贫民窟社区意味着什么,以及贫民窟居民(包括印度教徒)如何拒绝种姓意识形态,支持应得和给予关怀以及“为人”的双重理想。作为人而行动并被认可,确实是一种强有力的归属形式:不仅是对贫民窟的归属,也是对存在于围绕和压迫达利特生活的国家框架之外的外国领域的一种想象的、压倒一切的人性的归属。当然,尽管有这样的理想,但实践要复杂得多,因为合作和分享受到了挥霍无度的丈夫、争强好强的牧师和
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