American and Canadian Labor Regimes and the Reflexive Law Approach

David Kettler, Peter J. Warrian
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Abstract

Our thesis is that a "new unionism" must be the center piece of contemporary North American trade union strategy, a unionism that reconciles the movement's historical social objectives with emerging conditions of production by winning for itself a constructive role in industrial restructuring, conditional on a renewed capacity to promote industrial justice (Brody 1992). This conclusion implies an extension of the labor regime beyond the boundaries of industrial relations or social policy: the labor market can no longer be managed to safeguard the interests of employees without a labor voice in economic policy. If management now subsumes industrial relations policy to business strategy, then unions cannot serve an important function without the ability to influence that wider field. The labor regime project pursued by "new unionism" goes beyond the Wagner Act design, although it continues to depend far more on North American practices in bargaining and managing collective agreements than existing neo-corporatist regimes. Corresponding efforts among European movements to expand, in turn, the uses of collective agreement also condition our interest in the strategy. Our emphasis on labor's designs scarcely means that we consider labor the dominant power in contests over the labor regime. Labor has neither predetermined mission nor destiny. It has interests, values, and institutional effects; it has fallible organizations variously capable of collective learning and acting; and it has some power resources that bear on the complex social operations of economic life and the political system.
美国和加拿大的劳工制度和反身法方法
我们的论点是,“新工会主义”必须成为当代北美工会战略的核心,这种工会主义通过在产业重组中为自己赢得建设性作用,从而调和运动的历史社会目标与新兴的生产条件,条件是促进工业正义的更新能力(Brody 1992)。这一结论意味着劳工制度的延伸超出了劳资关系或社会政策的界限:如果在经济政策中没有劳工的声音,劳动力市场就无法再维护雇员的利益。如果管理层现在将劳资关系政策纳入企业战略,那么工会如果没有能力影响更广泛的领域,就无法发挥重要作用。“新工会主义”追求的劳工制度项目超越了瓦格纳法案的设计,尽管它继续更多地依赖于北美在谈判和管理集体协议方面的实践,而不是现有的新社团主义制度。反过来,欧洲运动为扩大集体协议的使用而作出的相应努力也制约了我们对该战略的兴趣。我们对劳工设计的强调并不意味着我们认为劳工是劳工制度竞争中的主导力量。劳动既没有预定的使命,也没有预定的命运。它具有利益、价值和制度效应;它有一些易犯错误的组织,这些组织有各种集体学习和行动的能力;它有一些权力资源,影响着经济生活和政治制度的复杂社会运作。
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