Revolutionary Diplomacy

P. Sharp
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Abstract

Revolutionary diplomacy presents an uneasy coupling of two slippery terms. Revolutions are said to disrupt, replace, and transform particular social orders, but the term revolution can be applied more broadly to almost any sort of change and the changes are carried out. Diplomacy is said to maintain the separateness of different social orders peacefully, while keeping them in touch with one another, but it can be used to describe a way of conducting all kinds of human relations. Spokespersons for both, in their narrower uses, have declared the other to be its enemy—diplomacy as a servant of the status quo, revolution as the servant of international disorder. This estrangement is reflected in the research and literature on revolutionary diplomacy in three ways. First, there is not much of it. Second, in the pairing between the two themes, researchers, following practitioners, are typically more interested in one side or the other, in revolution or diplomacy, and the junior partner receives little attention. Third, even in the literature that considers revolutionary diplomacy directly, the focus often shifts to other things: for example, the foreign policy problems posed by rogue states; the techniques of public diplomacy; or how to deal with terrorists and hostage-takers. Nonetheless, revolutionaries and established powers talk to each other and, in doing so, find themselves engaging in revolutionary diplomacy. The literature identifies several patterns in revolutionary diplomacy by tracking the practice, scope, and trajectory of revolutions themselves: for example, national revolutionary diplomacy directed at creating a place for a new actor in the established order of things; international revolutionary diplomacy directed at subverting and overturning the established order of things; and counter-revolutionary diplomacy directed at responding to and managing both types of challenges. In addition, however, the literature has developed its own themes, for example, identifying how revolutionary states are socialized into conformity with established state practices; and identifying how even subsumed revolutions leave markers and traces that change the way international relations are conducted. In so doing, the literature has become increasingly drawn into broader discussions of revolution, stability, and change rooted in historiography and philosophy but accelerated by sociological and linguistic inquiry into the relationship between communication and technology. Its focus is less on the diplomatic consequences of revolutions, seen as discrete, bounded historical events, with beginnings and ends, and more on the idea of the diplomacy of permanent revolution—the management of international and human relations in an era of constant and accelerating change—and the idea of the revolution of permanent diplomacy, which suggests that the legal, political, economic, cultural, and other dimensions of the way human beings relate to one another are increasingly governed by diplomatic assumptions about how the world works, what is to be valued in it, and how to succeed in such a world.
革命外交
革命外交呈现出两个难以捉摸的术语令人不安的结合。据说革命会破坏、取代和改变特定的社会秩序,但革命这个词可以更广泛地应用于几乎任何形式的变革,而且变革是进行的。外交据说是和平地维持不同社会秩序的分离性,同时使它们彼此保持联系,但它可以用来描述一种处理各种人际关系的方式。双方的发言人在狭义的意义上都宣称对方是自己的敌人——外交是维持现状的仆人,革命是国际混乱的仆人。这种隔阂在革命外交的研究和文献中表现为三个方面。首先,它并不多。其次,在两个主题之间的配对中,研究人员,跟随实践者,通常对其中一方更感兴趣,在革命或外交方面,而初级合作伙伴得到的关注很少。第三,即使在直接考虑革命外交的文献中,焦点也经常转移到其他事情上:例如,流氓国家带来的外交政策问题;公共外交技巧;或者如何对付恐怖分子和劫持人质者。尽管如此,革命者和既得利益者相互交谈,并在这样做的过程中,发现自己参与了革命外交。文献通过跟踪革命本身的实践、范围和轨迹,确定了革命外交的几种模式:例如,国家革命外交旨在为既定秩序中的新参与者创造一个位置;旨在颠覆和推翻现有秩序的国际革命外交;反革命外交旨在应对和应对这两种挑战。此外,这些文献还发展了自己的主题,例如,确定革命国家是如何社会化的,以符合既定的国家实践;并确定即使是次要的革命也会留下改变国际关系处理方式的标记和痕迹。在这样做的过程中,文学越来越多地被吸引到更广泛的关于革命、稳定和变革的讨论中,这些讨论植根于史学和哲学,但由于社会学和语言学对通信与技术之间关系的研究而加速。它不太关注革命的外交后果,革命被视为离散的、有限的、有始有终的历史事件,而更多地关注不断革命的外交理念——在不断加速变化的时代管理国际关系和人际关系——以及永久外交革命的理念,这表明法律、政治、经济、文化、人类与他人交往的其他方面也越来越多地受到外交假设的支配,这些假设包括世界如何运转,世界中什么是有价值的,以及如何在这样一个世界中取得成功。
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