The Pathways and Challenges of University Engagement: Comparative Case Studies in Austria

H. Goldstein, Verena Radinger-Peer, S. Sedlacek
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These have been the traditional missions of research universities since their founding in the late 19th century. \nAn additional role of universities, often called the ‘third mission’, has recently become more prominent in Europe and North America, although its genesis can be traced back to the land-grant idea of the Morrill Act of 1864 in the U.S. Its recent increased emphasis relates to the recognition that in the increasingly competitive, global economy, knowledge capital has become widely recognized as the critical factor for long-term productivity growth and economic competitiveness. As such there has been increasing pressure for revising the historical social covenant between universities and societies, as articulated by Parsons and Platt (1973), so as to provide knowledge of wider value, beyond the ivory tower (Benneworth and Sanderson 2009). This pressure to revise the division of responsibilities of the university within society, not by accident, has coincided with the ‘entrepreneurial turn’ of higher education (Goldstein 2010). The ‘third mission’ literature refers to interactions between university researchers and external, non-academic organizations that are initiated and maintained either by the university as an organization or by its individual researchers (Perkman et al. 2013). We view this concept of the ‘third mission’ as encompassing a subset of the dyadic relationships in the triple helix model (Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff 1997). The non-academic organizations can in principle be businesses, government agencies, research institutes, or NGOs, though in practice they veer towards large corporations with well-developed R&D capability. \nThe term ‘university engagement’ has sometimes been used synonymously with ‘the third mission’. In this chapter, however, we use it to describe a more restricted set of university interactions with external organizations. The conception of university engagement here is the use of know-how and expertise within universities for regional problem-solving, leadership, and the enhancement of regional development through the strengthening of the regional economy and civil society. This restricted definition can include technology development and technology transfer to businesses, but the geographic focus is the region in which the university is embedded, and the ultimate purpose is to build and sustain a healthy social economy in the region. In this sense we may refer to our conception as ‘public engagement’. Here the term ‘public’ refers not to working for government organizations, but to acting towards enhancing the public, or ‘common’ good. Also, while the primary motivation of engagement should be directed to enhancing regional development, we recognize, in the case of public universities, that such activity helps to legitimate and maintain government funding for universities in an era of tight public budgets. In the cases of both public and private universities, successful efforts in regional development help to make the city/region more attractive for inducing the ‘best and the brightest’ faculty, researchers, and graduate students to locate there within the increasingly competitive world of higher education. \nWith many regions facing challenging development problems, and the concentration of know- how and expertise across a wide range of fields within research universities, we ask why some universities become more active in engagement than others, and why some universities are more able to be successful in enhancing regional economic and social development through their engagement activities. We posit that the possible factors include institutional characteristics of the university, the particular leadership of the university, the region’s economic structure and condition, and the demands placed on the university by various external stakeholders. \nAmong the possible institutional characteristics are: \n(i) the university’s designated mission, often stipulated by (or in some cases negotiated with) the relevant government ministry, (ii) the type of university in terms of areas of expertise and range of subject areas (e.g., classical scholarly, technical, business/economics, medical), (iii) the set of rewards/incentives in place for faculty to be involved in engagement activities, and (iv) the extent to which individual institutes or departments units have discretion or relative autonomy over the implementation of university policies. \nIt has been noted that distinct from the official mission and policies of the university, it is the particular leaders of the university that affect whether it becomes highly engaged or not. Does the rectorate have a strong interest in and vision for the university being engaged? Does the rector have the ability (charisma) to convince the faculty and staff to adopt and work for this vision? Are the university leaders already well-connected to external political and business leaders? \nThe regional economy in which the university is located may consist of competitive and innovative industry sectors and firms, or it may have an unfortunate legacy of an older industrial structure which is presently in decline. The key industries of the region may match well with the technical areas of expertise within the university, or on the other hand the match may be missing. \nFinally many universities now feel the demands being placed upon them have outstripped the resources they have to fulfill all demands. If so, this requires either making tradeoffs among them, or else becoming highly entrepreneurial in attracting additional resources. If the former, then the university may feel it has to forego engagement activities because it has fixed obligations for teaching. \nWith budgetary pressure, externally funded research may have higher priority than engagement since the latter often requires uncompensated resource expenditure. The region’s particular political structure and political actors may make a difference in which engagement activities the university prioritizes, although in Austria the public universities tend to stay removed from political parties. \nTo summarize, there are a large number of potential factors that may shape and explain the variation in universities’ commitment to engagement, the approaches they take, and success in their efforts. 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引用次数: 4

Abstract

Research universities fill a variety of roles within contemporary society (Goldstein, Maier, Luger (1995). Arguably the most important role has been providing advanced education to a segment of the population so that they have the requisite know-how to enter the professions. A second has been to generate knowledge through research that leads to scientific progress over time and indirectly often leads to productivity growth in the economy. These have been the traditional missions of research universities since their founding in the late 19th century. An additional role of universities, often called the ‘third mission’, has recently become more prominent in Europe and North America, although its genesis can be traced back to the land-grant idea of the Morrill Act of 1864 in the U.S. Its recent increased emphasis relates to the recognition that in the increasingly competitive, global economy, knowledge capital has become widely recognized as the critical factor for long-term productivity growth and economic competitiveness. As such there has been increasing pressure for revising the historical social covenant between universities and societies, as articulated by Parsons and Platt (1973), so as to provide knowledge of wider value, beyond the ivory tower (Benneworth and Sanderson 2009). This pressure to revise the division of responsibilities of the university within society, not by accident, has coincided with the ‘entrepreneurial turn’ of higher education (Goldstein 2010). The ‘third mission’ literature refers to interactions between university researchers and external, non-academic organizations that are initiated and maintained either by the university as an organization or by its individual researchers (Perkman et al. 2013). We view this concept of the ‘third mission’ as encompassing a subset of the dyadic relationships in the triple helix model (Etzkowitz and Leydesdorff 1997). The non-academic organizations can in principle be businesses, government agencies, research institutes, or NGOs, though in practice they veer towards large corporations with well-developed R&D capability. The term ‘university engagement’ has sometimes been used synonymously with ‘the third mission’. In this chapter, however, we use it to describe a more restricted set of university interactions with external organizations. The conception of university engagement here is the use of know-how and expertise within universities for regional problem-solving, leadership, and the enhancement of regional development through the strengthening of the regional economy and civil society. This restricted definition can include technology development and technology transfer to businesses, but the geographic focus is the region in which the university is embedded, and the ultimate purpose is to build and sustain a healthy social economy in the region. In this sense we may refer to our conception as ‘public engagement’. Here the term ‘public’ refers not to working for government organizations, but to acting towards enhancing the public, or ‘common’ good. Also, while the primary motivation of engagement should be directed to enhancing regional development, we recognize, in the case of public universities, that such activity helps to legitimate and maintain government funding for universities in an era of tight public budgets. In the cases of both public and private universities, successful efforts in regional development help to make the city/region more attractive for inducing the ‘best and the brightest’ faculty, researchers, and graduate students to locate there within the increasingly competitive world of higher education. With many regions facing challenging development problems, and the concentration of know- how and expertise across a wide range of fields within research universities, we ask why some universities become more active in engagement than others, and why some universities are more able to be successful in enhancing regional economic and social development through their engagement activities. We posit that the possible factors include institutional characteristics of the university, the particular leadership of the university, the region’s economic structure and condition, and the demands placed on the university by various external stakeholders. Among the possible institutional characteristics are: (i) the university’s designated mission, often stipulated by (or in some cases negotiated with) the relevant government ministry, (ii) the type of university in terms of areas of expertise and range of subject areas (e.g., classical scholarly, technical, business/economics, medical), (iii) the set of rewards/incentives in place for faculty to be involved in engagement activities, and (iv) the extent to which individual institutes or departments units have discretion or relative autonomy over the implementation of university policies. It has been noted that distinct from the official mission and policies of the university, it is the particular leaders of the university that affect whether it becomes highly engaged or not. Does the rectorate have a strong interest in and vision for the university being engaged? Does the rector have the ability (charisma) to convince the faculty and staff to adopt and work for this vision? Are the university leaders already well-connected to external political and business leaders? The regional economy in which the university is located may consist of competitive and innovative industry sectors and firms, or it may have an unfortunate legacy of an older industrial structure which is presently in decline. The key industries of the region may match well with the technical areas of expertise within the university, or on the other hand the match may be missing. Finally many universities now feel the demands being placed upon them have outstripped the resources they have to fulfill all demands. If so, this requires either making tradeoffs among them, or else becoming highly entrepreneurial in attracting additional resources. If the former, then the university may feel it has to forego engagement activities because it has fixed obligations for teaching. With budgetary pressure, externally funded research may have higher priority than engagement since the latter often requires uncompensated resource expenditure. The region’s particular political structure and political actors may make a difference in which engagement activities the university prioritizes, although in Austria the public universities tend to stay removed from political parties. To summarize, there are a large number of potential factors that may shape and explain the variation in universities’ commitment to engagement, the approaches they take, and success in their efforts. Our aim is to try to shed more light on which factors seem to be most salient.
大学参与的途径和挑战:奥地利的比较案例研究
研究型大学在当代社会中扮演着各种各样的角色(Goldstein, Maier, Luger, 1995)。可以说,最重要的作用是为一部分人口提供高等教育,使他们具备进入职业所需的专业知识。第二种是通过研究产生知识,随着时间的推移,这些知识会导致科学进步,并间接地导致经济中生产率的提高。这些都是研究型大学自19世纪末建校以来的传统使命。大学的另一个作用,通常被称为“第三使命”,最近在欧洲和北美变得更加突出,尽管它的起源可以追溯到1864年美国《莫里尔法案》的土地授予思想。它最近越来越受到重视,因为人们认识到,在竞争日益激烈的全球经济中,知识资本已被广泛认为是长期生产力增长和经济竞争力的关键因素。因此,正如帕森斯和普拉特(1973)所阐述的那样,修改大学和社会之间的历史社会契约的压力越来越大,以便提供超越象牙塔的更广泛价值的知识(Benneworth和Sanderson 2009)。这种修改大学在社会中的责任分工的压力,并非偶然,与高等教育的“企业化转向”相吻合(Goldstein 2010)。“第三使命”文献指的是大学研究人员与外部非学术组织之间的互动,这些组织由大学作为一个组织或其个人研究人员发起和维护(Perkman et al. 2013)。我们认为“第三使命”的概念包含了三螺旋模型中二元关系的一个子集(Etzkowitz和Leydesdorff 1997)。非学术组织原则上可以是企业、政府机构、研究机构或非政府组织,但在实践中他们倾向于拥有发达研发能力的大公司。“大学参与”一词有时被用作“第三使命”的同义词。然而,在本章中,我们用它来描述一组更有限的大学与外部组织的互动。在这里,大学参与的概念是利用大学内部的知识和专业知识来解决区域问题,发挥领导作用,并通过加强区域经济和公民社会来促进区域发展。这种有限的定义可以包括技术开发和技术转让给企业,但地理焦点是大学所在的地区,最终目的是在该地区建立和维持健康的社会经济。在这个意义上,我们可以把我们的概念称为“公众参与”。这里的“公众”一词不是指为政府机构工作,而是指为提高公众或“共同”利益而行动。此外,虽然参与的主要动机应该是促进区域发展,但我们认识到,就公立大学而言,此类活动有助于在公共预算紧张的时代为大学提供合法和维持政府资金。就公立和私立大学而言,在区域发展方面的成功努力有助于使城市/地区更具吸引力,在竞争日益激烈的高等教育世界中吸引“最优秀、最聪明”的教师、研究人员和研究生。随着许多地区面临具有挑战性的发展问题,以及研究型大学在广泛领域的知识和专业知识的集中,我们想知道为什么有些大学比其他大学更积极地参与其中,为什么有些大学更能够通过参与活动成功地促进区域经济和社会发展。我们认为,可能的因素包括大学的制度特征、大学的特殊领导、该地区的经济结构和条件以及各种外部利益相关者对大学的要求。可能的制度特征包括:(i)大学的指定使命,通常由相关政府部门规定(或在某些情况下与政府部门协商);(ii)大学在专业领域和学科领域范围方面的类型(例如,经典的学术、技术、商业/经济、医学);(iii)教师参与参与活动的奖励/激励措施;(iv)个别学院或部门单位在执行大学政策方面有多少自由裁量权或相对自主权。 人们已经注意到,与大学的官方使命和政策不同,影响大学是否高度参与的是大学的特定领导。校长是否对参与的大学有强烈的兴趣和愿景?校长是否有能力(魅力)说服教职员工接受并为这个愿景而努力?大学领导是否已经与外部政治和商业领袖建立了良好的联系?大学所在的地区经济可能由具有竞争力和创新性的工业部门和公司组成,也可能有目前正在衰落的旧工业结构的不幸遗产。该地区的关键产业可能与大学内部的专业技术领域非常匹配,另一方面也可能缺乏匹配。最后,许多大学现在感到对他们提出的要求已经超过了他们所拥有的满足所有要求的资源。如果是这样,这就需要在它们之间进行权衡,或者在吸引额外资源方面具有高度的企业家精神。如果是前者,那么大学可能会觉得它必须放弃参与活动,因为它有固定的教学义务。在预算压力下,外部资助的研究可能比参与更优先,因为后者往往需要无偿的资源支出。该地区特殊的政治结构和政治行为者可能会对大学优先考虑的参与活动产生影响,尽管在奥地利,公立大学往往远离政党。总而言之,有大量的潜在因素可以塑造和解释大学对参与的承诺、他们采取的方法以及他们努力的成功。我们的目的是试图更清楚地说明哪些因素似乎是最突出的。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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