The Principle of Fair Play

Richard J. Arneson, D. Brink
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引用次数: 11

Abstract

The traditional consent theory account of political obligation can be understood as advancing two basic claims. (1) Allor most citizens, at least within reasonably just political communities, have political obligations (that is, moral obligations or duties to obey the law and support the political institutions of their countries of residence). (2) All political obligations are grounded in personal consent (express or tacit). Today most political philosophers (and non-philosophers, I suspect) are still prepared to accept (1). But (2) has been widely rejected largely because it entails, in conjunction with (1), that all or most of us have undertaken political obligations by deliberate consensual acts. And this seems not even approximately true. If it is not true, then (1) requires a defense employing a more complex account of special rights and obligations than the one offered by consent theory. One popular way of defending (1) relies on what has been called "the principle of fair play" (or "the principle of fairness") . 1 Advocates of this principle argue that promises and deliberate consent are not the only possible grounds of special rights and obligations; the acceptance of benefits within certain sorts of cooperative schemes, they maintain, is by itself sufficient to generate such rights and obligations. It is these arguments
公平竞争原则
传统的同意理论对政治义务的解释可以理解为提出了两个基本主张。(1)所有或大多数公民,至少在合理公正的政治社区内,都有政治义务(即遵守法律和支持其居住国政治制度的道德义务或义务)。所有政治义务都以个人同意(明示或默示)为基础。今天,大多数政治哲学家(我怀疑也包括非哲学家)仍然准备接受(1)。但(2)被广泛拒绝,主要是因为它需要,与(1)一起,我们所有人或大多数人都通过深思熟虑的双方同意的行为承担政治义务。这看起来甚至不是近似正确的。如果它不是真的,那么(1)就需要一个比同意理论提供的更复杂的特殊权利和义务的辩护。一种流行的辩护方式依赖于所谓的“公平竞争原则”(或“公平原则”)。这一原则的支持者认为,承诺和慎重的同意并不是特殊权利和义务的唯一可能依据;他们认为,在某些合作计划中接受利益本身就足以产生这种权利和义务。就是这些论点
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