The Notion of History in the Hebrew Bible

F. Raurell
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Abstract

The term “notion” in the title is applied not so much to the history of Israel’s development in its religious, moral, social, juridical and political institutions traced in the texts of the Hebrew Bible as to the interpretation that these texts make of such institutions and the characters connected to them. The intention here is to understand the historiography of the Bible: the way Israelites understood themselves at different points in their history. For the modern West, historiography is one of the natural activities concerned with the understanding of its own existence. In this aspect, westerners are heirs and disciples of both Greek and Biblical historiography. The majority of ancient cultures did not feel the need to adopt this form of understanding their existence. The fact of living a history did not pose any problem for them. Therefore they never produced a true historiography. Certainly, these cultures created a great diversity of historical documents: court diaries, annals of kingdoms, lists of kings and marvellous inscriptions of every kind. Nevertheless, this is not a true historiography. Ancient Israel, profoundly influenced by the radiating culture of Mesopotamia and Egypt, and in possession, after being installed in Canaan, of a poorly defined heritage, succeeded to produce, even in the field of historiography, a markedly personal literature. Perhaps for a classical reading of the problem, it would be acceptable to contemplate an Assyrian stone slab. The King of Assyria Assaraddon, on his return from a victorious expedition in the year 671 BC, in which he crushed the revolt which broke out after the death of Sennacherib, had a stone slab sculptured depicting the conquered Abdi-Milkutti, King of Sidon, and Ushanahoru son of the Ethiopian pharaoh Taharqa1, tethered on a leash. The profane language on the triumphal stone of Zengirli would have us believe that either Assaraddon was a giant, or the King of Sidon and the Ethiopian prince were pygmies. But this is not true. The artist, following the canons of Mesopotamian art, has minimized the conquered ones simply to express the idea of the superiority, even the transcendency of the Assyrian monarch. Not so many years ago, this kind of argument would have been faced with certain requirements of “objectivity” in order to present the facts as they really happened, but now the problem is not so simple2.
希伯来圣经中的历史概念
标题中的“观念”一词,与其说是指以色列在其宗教、道德、社会、司法和政治制度方面的发展史,不如说是指这些文本对这些制度和与之相关的人物的解释。这里的目的是理解圣经的历史编纂:以色列人在历史的不同时期是如何认识自己的。对现代西方来说,史学是一种与理解自身存在有关的自然活动。在这方面,西方人是希腊史学和圣经史学的继承者和门徒。大多数古代文化并不觉得有必要采用这种形式来理解它们的存在。生活在历史中的事实对他们来说没有任何问题。因此,他们从未写出真正的史学。当然,这些文化创造了各种各样的历史文献:宫廷日记、王国编年史、国王名单和各种奇妙的铭文。然而,这不是一个真正的史学。古以色列人深受美索不达米亚和埃及文化的影响,在定居迦南之后,他们继承了一份定义不明确的遗产,成功地创造了一种显著的个人文学,甚至在史学领域也是如此。也许对于这个问题的经典解读,想象一块亚述石板是可以接受的。公元前671年,亚述国王亚撒拉顿(Assaraddon)镇压了西拿基立(Sennacherib)死后爆发的叛乱,在他从胜利的远征中归来时,他请人雕刻了一块石板,描绘了被征服的西顿国王阿卜迪-米尔库蒂(Abdi-Milkutti)和埃塞俄比亚法老塔哈尔卡(Taharqa1)的儿子乌沙纳霍鲁(Ushanahoru)被拴在皮带上的形象。曾格利凯旋石碑上的亵渎语言会让我们相信,要么亚撒拉顿是一个巨人,要么西顿国王和埃塞俄比亚王子是俾格米人。但事实并非如此。这位艺术家遵循美索不达米亚艺术的准则,将被征服的人最小化,只是为了表达亚述人君主的优越感,甚至是超越的想法。若非多年前,这种论证还会面临一定的“客观性”要求,以便如实呈现事实,但现在问题就没那么简单了。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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