Combating Poverty Through an Attack on Calorie Deficits: A Mechanism Design Approach

S. Mitra
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The latter are those below the World Bank’s $2 at PPP (purchasing power parity) per capita per day threshold but above the poverty line of $1.25 PPP per capita per day threshold when the reference year is 2005 (or in other words earning an income in India inadequate for buying a consumption bundle that $2 would have bought in the United States in 2005 but more than adequate for purchasing a reference consumption basket that $1.25 would have bought). The mentioned information is supplemented by that on diversion of food grain from the Targeted Public Distribution System (TPDS) in India at the national as well as state level; errors in targeting the poor through the TPDS, as revealed by region specific studies; the design of various public distribution programmes at the state level; the national income distribution which has important implications for the potential magnitude of fiscal resources that can be generated for running a Public Distribution System (PDS) which offers greater food security for the poor and vulnerable; and finally the difference in the nature of urban and rural poverty with its implications for food subsidy policy. It reveals that the nation produces enough food grains to meet the food grain requirements of the country’s entire population and the problem is therefore essentially one of improper distribution and leakage rather than of inadequate production. It then goes on to point out that while the use of the TPDS to provide subsidized rations to certified BPL card holders and unsubsidized rations to others might be well intentioned and meant to target scarce fiscal resources and essential calories to the needy, such targeting has left much to be desired with a large number of BPL cards being appropriated by the APL population (and we have no way of knowing whether these families belong to the vulnerable category or non-vulnerable category) to compound the large physical diversions which can be largely be attributed to corrupt practices by transporters and dealers of TPDS outlets. However, there is hope as certain states have shown reasonable success in implementing the public distribution system – one primary example is Tamil Nadu which has universalized the system to overcome the problems of wrong identification of the poor, intentional or otherwise, and at the same time minimized diversions. The above information is collated and analysed to recommend a very simple solution: entitling every household to subsidized rations on the basis of its ration card but almost ensuring that the rich and the affluent, without any need for the mentioned subsidies and used to consuming fine varieties of grain, not avail of these for self consumption by providing only coarse and nutritious rice, wheat or millets through Fair Price Shops (in economic theory this principle is known as ‘mechanism design’, so christened because those “who need a particular scheme” and those “who do not” identify themselves, thus rendering identification by an under informed and error prone external source unnecessary). Of course, the possibility of the rich and affluent using their ration cards to avail of their entitlements of coarse grains for profitable resale still exists even if they themselves prefer to consume finer varieties of grain. Similarly, there is the very real possibility of TPDS outlet managers coercing the vulnerable to accept provisions that are below their maximum entitlements and then diverting the rest to the open market for sales to these very sections of the population. All these problems can be solved if the TPDS outlets deal in provision of only certain coarse varieties of food grain and the sale of these varieties is banned in the open market. Information regarding the banned varieties can be distributed to the civil society and the population at large through an information dissemination programme. Thus, it would be highly probable that any open market sale of a variety distributed through the TPDS would get reported and punished and therefore diversion would be minimised. 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Abstract

This article tries to add some more value to the discussions on food security taken up by Jean Dreze and recently by Reetika Khera and other authors such as Indira Hirway and Madhura Swaminathan through a series of articles. It marshals information on availability and requirements for food grain with emphasis on the ‘Below Poverty Line’ (BPL) households and ‘Vulnerable but Above Poverty Line’ households. The latter are those below the World Bank’s $2 at PPP (purchasing power parity) per capita per day threshold but above the poverty line of $1.25 PPP per capita per day threshold when the reference year is 2005 (or in other words earning an income in India inadequate for buying a consumption bundle that $2 would have bought in the United States in 2005 but more than adequate for purchasing a reference consumption basket that $1.25 would have bought). The mentioned information is supplemented by that on diversion of food grain from the Targeted Public Distribution System (TPDS) in India at the national as well as state level; errors in targeting the poor through the TPDS, as revealed by region specific studies; the design of various public distribution programmes at the state level; the national income distribution which has important implications for the potential magnitude of fiscal resources that can be generated for running a Public Distribution System (PDS) which offers greater food security for the poor and vulnerable; and finally the difference in the nature of urban and rural poverty with its implications for food subsidy policy. It reveals that the nation produces enough food grains to meet the food grain requirements of the country’s entire population and the problem is therefore essentially one of improper distribution and leakage rather than of inadequate production. It then goes on to point out that while the use of the TPDS to provide subsidized rations to certified BPL card holders and unsubsidized rations to others might be well intentioned and meant to target scarce fiscal resources and essential calories to the needy, such targeting has left much to be desired with a large number of BPL cards being appropriated by the APL population (and we have no way of knowing whether these families belong to the vulnerable category or non-vulnerable category) to compound the large physical diversions which can be largely be attributed to corrupt practices by transporters and dealers of TPDS outlets. However, there is hope as certain states have shown reasonable success in implementing the public distribution system – one primary example is Tamil Nadu which has universalized the system to overcome the problems of wrong identification of the poor, intentional or otherwise, and at the same time minimized diversions. The above information is collated and analysed to recommend a very simple solution: entitling every household to subsidized rations on the basis of its ration card but almost ensuring that the rich and the affluent, without any need for the mentioned subsidies and used to consuming fine varieties of grain, not avail of these for self consumption by providing only coarse and nutritious rice, wheat or millets through Fair Price Shops (in economic theory this principle is known as ‘mechanism design’, so christened because those “who need a particular scheme” and those “who do not” identify themselves, thus rendering identification by an under informed and error prone external source unnecessary). Of course, the possibility of the rich and affluent using their ration cards to avail of their entitlements of coarse grains for profitable resale still exists even if they themselves prefer to consume finer varieties of grain. Similarly, there is the very real possibility of TPDS outlet managers coercing the vulnerable to accept provisions that are below their maximum entitlements and then diverting the rest to the open market for sales to these very sections of the population. All these problems can be solved if the TPDS outlets deal in provision of only certain coarse varieties of food grain and the sale of these varieties is banned in the open market. Information regarding the banned varieties can be distributed to the civil society and the population at large through an information dissemination programme. Thus, it would be highly probable that any open market sale of a variety distributed through the TPDS would get reported and punished and therefore diversion would be minimised. Therefore, errors in targeting of subsidies would be avoided and the food requirements of the vulnerable population would be met at minimal fiscal cost to the government.
通过减少热量不足来对抗贫困:一种机制设计方法
本文试图为Jean Dreze、Reetika Khera以及其他作者(如Indira Hirway和Madhura Swaminathan)最近发表的一系列文章所讨论的粮食安全问题增加一些价值。它汇集了关于粮食供应和需求的信息,重点是“低于贫困线”的家庭和“脆弱但高于贫困线”的家庭。后者是指那些低于世界银行(World Bank)按购买力平价(PPP)计算的人均每日2美元门槛,但高于参考年为2005年的人均每日1.25美元购买力平价贫困线门槛的人(或者换句话说,在印度的收入不足以购买2005年在美国2美元可以购买的消费套餐,但足以购买1.25美元可以购买的参考消费篮子)。上述信息还补充了印度国家和邦一级的目标公共分配系统(TPDS)的粮食转移情况;区域具体研究表明,通过TPDS将穷人作为目标的错误;在州一级设计各种公共分配方案;国民收入分配,这对运行公共分配系统(PDS)可能产生的财政资源的潜在规模具有重要影响,该系统为穷人和弱势群体提供更多的粮食安全;最后是城乡贫困性质的差异及其对食品补贴政策的影响。这表明,我国粮食产量足以满足全国人口的粮食需求,因此,问题的本质是分配不当和泄漏,而不是生产不足。报告接着指出,虽然利用粮食供应计划向持证的BPL卡持有者提供补贴口粮,而向其他人提供无补贴口粮的意图可能是好的,目的是将稀缺的财政资源和必要的卡路里提供给有需要的人,由于大量的BPL卡被APL人口占用(我们无法知道这些家庭是属于弱势类别还是非弱势类别),这种目标留下了很多不理想的地方,从而增加了大量的物理转移,这在很大程度上可归因于TPDS网点的运输商和经销商的腐败行为。然而,由于某些邦在实施公共分配系统方面取得了一定的成功,因此有希望-一个主要的例子是泰米尔纳德邦,它已经普及了该系统,以克服错误识别穷人的问题,无论是有意的还是无意的,同时尽量减少转移。以上资料经过整理和分析,建议一个非常简单的解决方案:赋予每个家庭以配给卡为基础的补贴配给权,但几乎确保富人和富裕阶层不需要上述补贴,习惯于消费优质谷物,而不会通过公平价格商店(Fair Price Shops)只提供粗粮和营养丰富的大米、小麦或小米来利用这些补贴供自己消费(在经济学理论中,这一原则被称为“机制设计”)。之所以如此命名,是因为那些“需要特定方案”和那些“不需要”的人表明了自己的身份,从而使信息不足且容易出错的外部来源的身份变得不必要)。当然,富人和富有者利用他们的配给卡利用他们的粗粮权利进行有利可图的转售的可能性仍然存在,即使他们自己更喜欢消费更好的谷物品种。同样,TPDS门店经理很有可能强迫弱势群体接受低于其最高权益的规定,然后将其余部分转移到公开市场,向这部分人群销售。所有这些问题都可以解决,如果TPDS销售点只提供某些粗粮品种,并禁止在公开市场上销售这些品种。关于被禁品种的资料可以通过信息传播方案分发给民间社会和广大民众。因此,极有可能的是,通过TPDS分销的任何品种的公开市场销售都将被报告和惩罚,因此转移将被最小化。因此,可以避免补贴目标的错误,以最小的财政成本满足弱势群体的粮食需求。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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