National Consciousness in Italian Literature

Joseph S. Rossi
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Abstract

Prince Metternich, Chancellor of the Austrian Empire and the stoutest champion of the status quo in Restoration Europe, dismissed the national aspirations of the Italians by defining Italy as a "geographical expression." Thus he implied that Italy was no more to be considered a single political entity, even in a potential state, than the other large European peninsulas, like the Iberian, the Balkan, or the Scandinavian, which included more than one independent state. At a later time the Italian poet Carducci quipped that Mettemich had been wrong in his definition, because Italy really was not a geographical expression but a literary expression; by this he obviously meant that Italy had been a perennial literary theme, though often enough a vacuous one, throughout the centuries when it did not have a political existence. To some extent both definitions are true, and their truth explains on the one hand why Italy attained its unification so late in its history and on the other why it was eventually able to achieve it at all. Metternich was justified in calling Italy a geographical expression for that is all it had been since the fall of the Roman Empire. For something like fourteen centuries, between the fall of the Roman Empire and the French Revolution, Italy had housed many states, served many masters, with a great variety of political forms co-existing at the same time, which resembled each other in only one respect-their instability. Many masters tried to control the entire peninsula; none ever succeeded. The Byzantines, the Lombards, the Swabians, the Angevines from Naples, the Viscontis from Milan, and later the Spaniards and the Austrians, all came more or less close to the final goal without achieving it. The only ruler who could have unified Italy was Napoleon, and he did not want to do it. But by that time the Italians were ready for unification, and they successfully enticed Napoleon's nephew to help them. This state of affairs is not surprising when one considers the geographical and historical peculiarities of Italy. Its geography seems designed specifically for the purpose of precluding the formation of a single state. The mainland of Italy is a strip of land running in a southeasterly direction, a little over 700 miles long and, on the average, about 100 miles wide. One chain of lofty mountains, the Alps, separates it from the rest of Europe, and another chain of mountains of respectable height, the Apennines, splits it lengthwise. Someone compared Italy to a veal chop, with the Alps and the Apennines representing the bones on the sides, and the rich Po Valley the tasty but
意大利文学中的民族意识
奥地利帝国总理梅特涅王子是复辟时期欧洲现状最坚定的捍卫者,他将意大利定义为一个“地理表达”,从而打消了意大利人的民族愿望。因此,他暗示意大利不能再被视为一个单一的政治实体,即使在一个潜在的国家,就像其他大的欧洲半岛一样,如伊比利亚半岛、巴尔干半岛或斯堪的纳维亚半岛,它们包括不止一个独立的国家。后来,意大利诗人卡杜奇打趣说,梅特米奇的定义是错误的,因为意大利实际上不是一个地理表达,而是一个文学表达;显然,他的意思是,在没有政治存在的几个世纪里,意大利一直是一个永恒的文学主题,尽管常常是一个空洞的主题。在某种程度上,这两种定义都是正确的,它们的真实性一方面解释了为什么意大利在历史上这么晚才实现统一,另一方面又解释了为什么它最终能够实现统一。梅特涅称意大利为地理上的表达是有道理的,因为自罗马帝国灭亡以来,意大利一直是地理上的象征。从罗马帝国灭亡到法国大革命,大约有14个世纪的时间,意大利容纳了许多国家,为许多主人服务,同时存在着各种各样的政治形式,它们只有一个方面是相似的——它们的不稳定性。许多统治者试图控制整个半岛;没有人成功过。拜占庭人、伦巴第人、斯瓦本人、那不勒斯的安吉旺人、米兰的维斯康提人,以及后来的西班牙人和奥地利人,都或多或少接近了最终目标,但没有实现。唯一能统一意大利的统治者是拿破仑,但他不想这么做。但到那个时候,意大利人已经准备好统一了,他们成功地说服了拿破仑的侄子来帮助他们。考虑到意大利的地理和历史特点,这种情况并不奇怪。它的地理位置似乎是专门为防止形成单一国家而设计的。意大利大陆是一片东南方向的狭长地带,长700多英里,平均约100英里宽。阿尔卑斯山脉这条高耸的山脉把它和欧洲其他地区隔开,而亚平宁山脉这条相当高的山脉把它纵向隔开。有人把意大利比作小牛肉排,阿尔卑斯山脉和亚平宁山脉代表肉排两侧的骨头,富饶的波河流域代表美味的肉排
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