Media constructions of the refugee crisis in Sweden

D. Abdelhady
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

In an article entitled ‘The Death of the Most Generous Nation on Earth’, American journalist James Traub (2016) claims that ‘The vast migration of desperate souls from Syria, Iraq, and elsewhere has posed a moral test the likes of which Europe has not faced since the Nazis forced millions from their homes in search of refuge. Europe has failed that test.’ Sweden stands out as an exception in Traub’s analysis due to the country’s generous refugee reception policies. These policies, however, are bound to fail, and Traub argues that Sweden has to pay ‘for its unshared idealism’. That Sweden had a generous refugee policy (see also chapter 5) is a component of Swedish identity, both as viewed by most Swedes themselves and as viewed by others, despite the variety of academic arguments challenging that image. To name a few examples: researchers have documented the negative experiences of asylum seekers awaiting a decision (Brekke, 2004); the inhumane conditions at detention centres (Khosravi, 2009); the process of credibility assessment that assumes fraudulence on part of asylum seekers (Noll, 2005); the institutionalised power imbalance between asylum claimants and the authorities that challenge these claims in the legal process (Joormann, 2019; see also chapter 2); and the inhumane views of the Other that shape different levels of the migration bureaucracy (Barker, 2012; Schoultz, 2013; see also chapter 9). It is, therefore, logical to wonder how Sweden’s image as generous, humane and righteous has persisted despite such evidence. Additionally, given the drastic shifts in refugee policies following the summer of 2015 (see chapter 3), and if we accept Traub’s characterisation of ‘unshared idealism’ as the basis for such shifts, tracing the transformation of such an idealism helps our understanding of Swedish cultural and political climate and the position of refugees within it. Importantly, and to use the arguments put forth in this book, if we understand the policy changes as a form of bureaucratic violence, how has this form of violence been formulated, communicated and consolidated in society? Dalia Abdelhady
瑞典难民危机的媒体建构
在一篇名为《地球上最慷慨的国家之死》的文章中,美国记者詹姆斯·特劳布(James Traub, 2016)声称,“来自叙利亚、伊拉克和其他地方的绝望灵魂的大规模移民构成了一种道德考验,这种考验是自纳粹迫使数百万人离开家园寻求庇护以来欧洲从未面临过的。”欧洲未能通过这一考验。在特劳布的分析中,瑞典是一个例外,因为该国慷慨的难民接待政策。然而,这些政策注定会失败,特劳布认为,瑞典必须为“不共享的理想主义”付出代价。瑞典有一个慷慨的难民政策(参见第五章),这是瑞典身份的一个组成部分,在大多数瑞典人自己和其他人看来都是如此,尽管各种各样的学术争论挑战了这种形象。举几个例子:研究人员记录了寻求庇护者等待决定的负面经历(Brekke, 2004);拘留中心的非人道条件(Khosravi, 2009);假设部分寻求庇护者存在欺诈行为的可信度评估过程(Noll, 2005);庇护申请人与在法律程序中质疑这些要求的当局之间制度化的权力不平衡(Joormann, 2019;参见第二章);以及塑造不同层次移民官僚机构的非人道的他者观点(Barker, 2012;Schoultz, 2013;因此,合乎逻辑的疑问是,尽管有这样的证据,瑞典慷慨、人道和正义的形象是如何持续下去的。此外,鉴于2015年夏天之后难民政策的急剧变化(见第3章),如果我们接受特劳布对“非共享理想主义”的描述作为这种变化的基础,那么追踪这种理想主义的转变有助于我们理解瑞典的文化和政治气候以及难民在其中的地位。重要的是,借用本书提出的论点,如果我们把政策变化理解为一种官僚暴力,那么这种形式的暴力是如何在社会中形成、传播和巩固的?Dalia Abdelhady
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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