Conclusion

X. M. Paredes
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Abstract

Contemporary territorial management and planning practice was introduced relatively late in Galicia, in 1956, while strategic planning was not introduced until 1992. Thus, the development and implementation of spatial plans or strategies did not always imply positive results. On many occasions, such a practice did not take into account the real characteristics and complex nature of Galician territory, often giving relevance to the province while neglecting the comarca and the parish. Faulty or simply non-existent methodological approaches came to deepen a series of structural problems, such as the coastal/interior dichotomy, issues on localism-clientelism (caciquismo) and the politisation of society and territory, the lack of administrative and territorial coordination, the lack of general/national spatial plans, or the disarray between the territorial socio-economic and cultural reality and administrative spatial organisation. Not even the Galician administration, since the recovery of self-government in 1981, has been able to correct such problems; at least not up to the end of president’s Fraga administration, in 2004. In fact, Galicia has not been able to optimise economic and social transformation in terms of urbanisation, industrialisation, technological revolution, counter-urbanisation, and fund allocation from the European Union. Galicia has constantly ‘floated in the stream’, without actually taking advantage of ‘the current’. Rural change and modernisation are a reality, but Galicia faced these processes in an unorganised, even ‘chaotic’ fashion. It can be argued that the fundamental dilemma resides in the failure to actually establish a framework of reference, in effect, a general development plan or spatial strategy capable of co-ordinating and integrating all the different social, economic and territorial actors. The Galician administration has been especially incapable of providing a clear territorial model based on consensus, in spite of extensive literary and academic debate on the matter. Only timid references to strategic planning are to be found at an official level. As a consequence, municipal and provincial authorities have often pursued particular and personal agendas, deepening clientelist practices, territorial imbalances and maladjustments, resource wastage, and an overall lack of territorial administrative coordination. Municipal individualism is rampant, thus degenerating in the feísmo and
结论
当代领土管理和规划做法在加利西亚引入较晚,1956年,而战略规划直到1992年才引入。因此,空间规划或战略的制定和实施并不总是意味着积极的结果。在许多情况下,这种做法没有考虑到加利西亚领土的真正特点和复杂性质,往往与省有关,而忽视了comarca和教区。错误的或根本不存在的方法方法加深了一系列结构性问题,如沿海/内陆二分法、地方-庇护主义(caciquismo)问题、社会和领土的政治化、缺乏行政和领土协调、缺乏总体/国家空间规划,或领土社会经济和文化现实与行政空间组织之间的混乱。自1981年恢复自治以来,甚至连加利西亚政府也未能纠正这些问题;至少在2004年弗拉加总统任期结束前是这样。事实上,加利西亚在城市化、工业化、技术革命、反城市化和欧盟资金分配等方面都未能实现经济和社会转型的优化。加利西亚一直“随波逐流”,实际上并没有利用“水流”。农村的变化和现代化是一个现实,但是加利西亚以一种无组织的,甚至是“混乱”的方式面对这些过程。可以说,根本的困境在于未能真正建立一个参考框架,即能够协调和整合所有不同的社会、经济和领土行动者的总体发展计划或空间战略。加利西亚政府尤其没有能力在协商一致的基础上提出明确的领土模式,尽管就此问题进行了广泛的文学和学术辩论。在官方层面上,人们只会胆怯地提到战略规划。因此,市级和省级当局往往追求特殊和个人的议程,加深了庇护主义的做法,领土不平衡和失调,资源浪费,以及总体上缺乏领土行政协调。城市个人主义猖獗,因此在feísmo和
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