Law and Development in China and India: The Advantages and Disadvantages of Front-Loading the Costs of Political Reform

R. Peerenboom
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

At first glance, China and India seem to contradict the basic premise of the law and development movement that law plays a key causal role in economic growth. According to the standard view, China has enjoyed high growth rates despite weak legal institutions and the lack of rule of law, while India's growth rates have lagged far behind China's despite a reputation for rule of law and stronger legal institutions. Closer examination however reveals that the experiences of China and India are not as inconsistent with the prevailing wisdom regarding the relationship between law and development as often suggested. China and India also offer contrasting paths to development, with India being the world's largest developing country democracy, and China being the world's largest authoritarian regime. Direct comparisons between China and India are thus inevitable, albeit problematic. Data is often unreliable, available for different years or collected in different ways. There is also considerable regional variation within both countries. Moreover, each country does better in some respects than others. By selecting particular measures, one can present either a positive or negative image of either. Accordingly, across the board generalizations about the superiority of one or the other are dubious. Generalizations are difficult even within a particular area such as rule of law or economic development.Nevertheless, some general observations are possible: China does better in terms of economic measures, poverty reduction, and most measures of human development. India does better in terms of political freedoms and income equality. Both have poor environmental records, low public health spending and repress minorities with secessionist tendencies. Both do relatively well compared to the average country in their income class on good governance measures.The revisionist view sees India's democracy as a great asset in overcoming the middle-income blues. Conversely, although China is also experiencing the middle-income blues, it is following the path of other East Asian countries that were able to make the transition from middle to upper income countries, from weak institutions and rule of law to strong institutions and rule of law, and from authoritarianism to democracy. They did so by postponing democratization until a higher level of wealth was obtained and institutions had time to develop.At this point, the jury is still out as to whether China and India will join the ranks of upper income countries whose citizens enjoy rule of law, good governance and high standards of living and human development, and in China's case, democracy. Thus, it is too early to determine whether front-loading or postponing the costs of political reform will prove to have been the better approach.
中国和印度的法律与发展:政治改革成本前置的利与弊
乍一看,中国和印度似乎违背了法律与发展运动的基本前提,即法律在经济增长中起着关键的因果作用。根据标准观点,中国在法律制度薄弱、缺乏法治的情况下实现了高增长率,而印度尽管享有法治和更强大的法律制度的声誉,但其增长率远远落后于中国。然而,更仔细的研究表明,中国和印度的经验并不像人们经常认为的那样,与法律与发展之间关系的主流智慧不一致。中国和印度也提供了截然不同的发展道路,印度是世界上最大的发展中民主国家,而中国是世界上最大的专制政权。因此,中国和印度之间的直接比较是不可避免的,尽管存在问题。数据通常是不可靠的,可以获得不同年份的数据或以不同的方式收集。两国内部也存在相当大的地区差异。此外,每个国家在某些方面都比其他国家做得更好。通过选择特定的措施,人们可以呈现出积极或消极的形象。因此,关于其中一个或另一个的优越性的全面概括是可疑的。即使在法治或经济发展等特定领域也很难进行概括。然而,一些一般性的观察是可能的:中国在经济指标、减贫和大多数人类发展指标方面做得更好。印度在政治自由和收入平等方面做得更好。这两个国家的环境记录都很差,公共卫生支出低,并压制有分离主义倾向的少数民族。与同收入阶层的平均国家相比,这两个国家在良好治理措施方面做得相对较好。修正主义的观点认为,印度的民主是克服中等收入忧郁的巨大财富。相反,尽管中国也在经历中等收入的忧郁,但它正在遵循其他东亚国家的道路,这些国家能够从中等收入国家过渡到高收入国家,从薄弱的制度和法治过渡到强大的制度和法治,从威权主义过渡到民主主义。他们的做法是推迟民主化,直到获得更高水平的财富和制度有时间发展。在这一点上,中国和印度是否会加入高收入国家的行列仍然没有定论,这些国家的公民享有法治、良好的治理、高标准的生活和人类发展,在中国的情况下,是民主的。因此,现在判断提前或推迟政治改革的成本是更好的办法还为时过早。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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