Property and Power on the Endless Frontier

Daniel M. Traficonte
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Abstract

Much of the innovation in the American economy originates in the federal research system––the vast set of federal agencies that directly fund R&D at public research centers, universities, and industrial labs. By the time these innovations are eventually brought to market, however, they are under private control, a result of the legal framework that determines ownership rights to state-backed inventions. Since the passage of the Bayh-Dole Act in 1980, government patent policy has been settled in favor of private ownership of government-funded innovation. Why does the government channel massive amounts of public resources into groundbreaking research, only to turn over the fruits of that research to private hands? The standard explanation suggests that the “technology transfer” consensus rests on the modern rationale that intellectual property rights are necessary to encourage back-end commercial development rather than initial investments in research. Under this justification, even though private contractors do not assume the up-front risks––as the traditional defense of patent rights holds––they may still require exclusive rights in order to turn innovations into commercializable products. This rationale posits the commercial spinoff as a chief aim of the federal R&D system, and thus emphasizes patent utilization and efficiency as leading considerations. In the leadup to the 1980 watershed, this explanation goes, policy makers increasingly embraced this rationale, and it quickly became the conventional wisdom on which the new consensus rested. This Article revisits the government patent policy debate from a political economy and historical perspective, and in doing so, motivates a reassessment of the prevailing framework. The commercialization rationale and the resulting technology transfer consensus capped a decades-long political conflict, one replete with alternative value claims and untried policy choices. At the heart of this conflict was the power of R&D-intensive corporations to dominate and control industrial research, and the attempts of progressives to use public R&D to limit that power and redistribute the social benefits of innovation. Beginning in the New Deal, progressives conceptualized government-funded research and public patent ownership as a counterweight to private research power and a means of protecting science from corporate influence. With the dramatic expansions of federal R&D during World War II and the Space Race, progressives drew repeatedly on these reform impulses and revived the patent policy question on broad terms. At multiple critical junctures, private industry led the attack against these critiques and promoted commercialization instead as the leading policy aim. After successive failures to shift government patent policy along progressive lines, the more expansive conceptions of government patent policy were abandoned. The commercialization rationale was all that remained, and the push for a pro-business policy finally succeeded. This revisionist account has both conceptual and practical implications. While some observers have framed the federal R&D system writ large as an exception to the neoliberal gutting of state capacity, government patent policy should be understood instead as a triumph of business counter-reform efforts that sought to preserve corporate power—one overlooked dimension of neoliberalization in the law more broadly. By situating the technology transfer consensus in this longer political conflict, this Article also aims to revive the debates over government patent policy on broader value terms. With the resurgence of interest in federal R&D as a tool of industrial policy to maintain American competitiveness, this institutional choice is increasingly pressing. In revisiting government patent policy, policymakers should reintegrate the concerns raised historically by progressive critics and take inspiration from their proposed policy alternatives.
无尽边疆上的财产和权力
美国经济中的大部分创新源于联邦研究体系——由众多联邦机构直接资助公共研究中心、大学和工业实验室的研发。然而,当这些创新最终被推向市场时,它们处于私人控制之下,这是决定国家支持的发明所有权的法律框架的结果。自从1980年Bayh-Dole法案通过以来,政府的专利政策一直倾向于支持政府资助的创新项目的私有制。为什么政府把大量的公共资源投入到开创性的研究中,结果却把研究成果交给了私人?标准的解释表明,“技术转让”共识建立在现代理论基础之上,即知识产权对于鼓励后端商业开发(而不是对研究的初始投资)是必要的。根据这一理由,即使私人承包商不承担预先风险——正如传统的专利权辩护所持有的那样——他们可能仍然需要专有权,以便将创新转化为可商业化的产品。这一理论基础将商业衍生作为联邦研发体系的主要目标,因此强调专利利用和效率是首要考虑因素。这种解释认为,在1980年分水岭之前,政策制定者越来越多地接受了这一理论基础,并迅速成为新共识所依据的传统智慧。本文从政治经济学和历史的角度重新审视了政府专利政策的辩论,并在此过程中,激发了对现行框架的重新评估。商业化的基本原理和由此产生的技术转让共识,终结了一场长达数十年的政治冲突,其中充满了替代性价值主张和未经尝试的政策选择。这场冲突的核心是研发密集型企业支配和控制工业研究的权力,以及进步人士试图利用公共研发来限制这种权力并重新分配创新的社会利益。从新政开始,进步人士将政府资助的研究和公共专利所有权作为一种平衡私人研究力量和保护科学不受企业影响的手段。随着第二次世界大战和太空竞赛期间联邦研发的急剧扩张,进步人士反复利用这些改革冲动,从广义上重新提出专利政策问题。在多个关键时刻,私营企业带头反对这些批评,并将促进商业化作为主要的政策目标。在政府专利政策沿着进步路线转变的连续失败之后,政府专利政策的更广泛的概念被放弃了。只剩下商业化的理由,推动亲商政策的努力最终取得了成功。这种修正主义的解释既有概念上的含义,也有实际意义。虽然一些观察家认为联邦研发系统是新自由主义削弱国家能力的一个例外,但政府的专利政策应该被理解为商业反改革努力的胜利,这些努力旨在维护企业权力——这是法律中被更广泛地忽视的新自由主义化的一个方面。通过将技术转让共识置于这一更长期的政治冲突中,本文还旨在从更广泛的价值角度重新开始关于政府专利政策的辩论。随着人们对将联邦研发作为维持美国竞争力的产业政策工具的兴趣重新抬头,这一制度选择变得越来越紧迫。在重新审视政府的专利政策时,决策者应该重新整合历史上进步主义批评者提出的担忧,并从他们提出的政策选择中汲取灵感。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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