In Defense of Breakups: Administering a 'Radical' Remedy

Rory Van Loo
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引用次数: 4

Abstract

Calls for breaking up monopolies — especially Amazon, Facebook, and Google — have largely focused on proving that past acquisitions of companies like Whole Foods, Instagram, and YouTube were anti-competitive. But scholars have paid insufficient attention to another major obstacle that also explains why the government in recent decades has not broken up a single large company. After establishing that an anti-competitive merger or other act has occurred, there is great skepticism of breakups as a remedy. Judges, scholars, and regulators see a breakup as extreme, frequently comparing the remedy to trying to “unscramble eggs.” They doubt the government’s competence in executing such a difficult task, pointing to decision-making flaws dating back to the breakups of Standard Oil in 1911 and AT&T in 1984. Even many scholars calling for more vigorous antitrust enforcement recommend alternative remedies. This Article asserts that the pervasive hesitancy about administering breakups renders antitrust impotent in the face of monopolies — too often a statutory right without a remedy. More importantly, the Article challenges the perception of breakups as unadministrable. The intellectual foundations for the anti-breakup stance are weak, relying on outdated, anecdotal evidence. Moreover, antitrust needs a methodological shift toward paying greater attention to the breakup insights yielded by other disciplines. In particular, business scholars have studied how the world’s leading companies regularly break themselves up voluntarily. Additionally, administrative law scholarship has observed a broader evolution toward collaborative regulation that shows how the much-maligned historical approaches to antitrust remedies could be greatly improved by relying more on the business sector in designing and implementing breakups. In other words, insights from outside of antitrust address many critiques of breakups and show how that remedy is far from radical and messy. Antitrust observers should thus abandon the worldview that compares breaking up prior companies to unscrambling eggs. Or at a minimum they should recognize that scrambled eggs, once cooked, are regularly divided into smaller portions. A greater willingness to do the same to monopolies in the post-merger context and beyond would bring regulators more in line with the business sector, which sees divestitures as a routine part of effective governance.
为分手辩护:实施“激进”补救措施
打破垄断的呼声——尤其是亚马逊、Facebook和谷歌——主要集中在证明过去对全食超市、Instagram和YouTube等公司的收购是反竞争的。但学者们对另一个主要障碍的关注不够,这个障碍也解释了为什么政府近几十年来没有分拆过任何一家大公司。在确定反竞争合并或其他行为已经发生后,人们对分拆作为一种补救措施持极大的怀疑态度。法官、学者和监管机构认为分拆是极端的做法,经常将这种补救措施比作试图“整理鸡蛋”。他们怀疑政府执行如此艰巨任务的能力,指出1911年标准石油公司(Standard Oil)和1984年美国电话电报公司(AT&T)破产时的决策缺陷。甚至许多呼吁加强反垄断执法的学者也建议采取其他补救措施。这篇文章断言,对管理拆分的普遍犹豫使得反垄断在面对垄断时无能为力——垄断往往是一种没有补救措施的法定权利。更重要的是,这篇文章挑战了分手不可管理的观念。反对分手立场的理论基础很薄弱,依赖于过时的轶事证据。此外,反垄断需要方法论上的转变,更多地关注其他学科产生的分拆见解。特别是,商业学者们研究了世界领先企业是如何定期自愿分拆的。此外,行政法学者已经观察到一种更广泛的向合作监管的演变,这表明,通过更多地依赖商业部门来设计和实施拆分,可以极大地改善备受诟病的反垄断补救方法。换句话说,来自反垄断之外的见解解决了许多对拆分的批评,并表明这种补救措施远非激进和混乱。因此,反垄断观察员应该放弃将拆分之前的公司比作拆鸡蛋的世界观。或者至少他们应该认识到炒鸡蛋一旦煮熟,通常会被分成更小的部分。在合并后及以后的环境中,对垄断企业采取同样措施的更大意愿,将使监管机构与商业部门更加一致,后者将资产剥离视为有效治理的常规组成部分。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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