The lingering DP in Niuean

Diane Massam
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Abstract

This chapter examines pre-nominal particles in Niuean, which are cognate with Tongan determiners, although Niuean, in contrast with Proto-Tongic, does not have a systematic determiner system marking specificity or definiteness. It is argued that the Niuean particles are case markers merged in K, not determiners, having replaced Proto-Tongic case markers. It is then argued that although there is no determiner system in Niuean, D and DP remain in the nominal phrase, and that D, usually null, holds features for proper-common with which K agrees. In addition, D is spelled out as a linker when its specifier is filled with a genitive, numeral, or quantifier, all of which contribute meanings associated with (in)definiteness or nominal quantification. Finally, D can also house occasional articles. The chapter shows that small historical changes can create systematic shifts, and that D and DP can be present even in a language without a determiner system.
在纽埃的徘徊的DP
本章研究了纽埃语中的前名词性语词,它们与汤加语的限定词同源,尽管与原汤加语相比,纽埃语没有一个系统的限定词系统来标记特异性或确定性。有人认为,纽厄语素是在K中合并的格标记,而不是限定词,取代了原汤加格标记。然后论证说,虽然在纽埃语中没有限定词系统,但D和DP仍然存在于名义短语中,并且D通常是空的,具有与K一致的适当共同的特征。此外,当D的说明符中填充了属格、数字或量词时,D被拼写为链接器,所有这些都提供了与(In)确定性或名义量化相关的含义。最后,D也可以存放不定期的文章。本章表明,微小的历史变化可以产生系统的变化,并且即使在没有限定词系统的语言中,D和DP也可以存在。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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