Disjoint and reflexive prominent internal possessor constructions in Chimane

Abstract

This chapter examines two types of prominent internal possessor constructions in Chimane (unclassified, Bolivia). In the first type, possessors internal to object arguments which are disjoint from the subject control object agreement on the verb. It is argued that disjoint prominent internal possessors (PIPs) control object agreement via a clause-level proxy which mediates the agreement relation. In the second type, possessors internal to patient-like arguments which are coreferential with the subject, (i.e. the subject’s ‘own’ possessions) are associated with a different agreement pattern in which no object agreement occurs on the verb. It is argued that in both cases, the possessive phrase headed by the possessed noun is associated with a secondary object function. In the case of the disjoint PIP, the external proxy of the internal possessor bears the primary object function. In the case of the reflexive PIP, there is no primary object function.