Neo-Nationalism and Religion in France

Philippe Portier
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

The Nation, historically speaking, is a recent political structure. In France, it emerged at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries1. Until then, the country lived under the system of dynastic loyalty: with a long chain extending from the peasant to the king and beyond, to God Himself, from whom the monarchy evolved. The Revolution in 1789 changed the given order: inspired by the philosophy of the Enlightenment and, at its heart, very specifically by the doctrine of Parliamentary “Gallicanism”, it introduced a new form of political connection which was national in this instance, as evidenced by the affirmation of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen that: “The principle of all Sovereignty essentially resides in the Nation.” In the past, social connections had revolved around a vertical mechanism, that of subjection to the sovereign; but from then on, the political system was constructed horizontally along an axis of relationships between equals. The establishment of this national pattern often operated, as in the north of Europe, under the aegis of a narrative of continuity between the modern political age and the Christian religion which allowed the Church, which was predominant, to maintain a presence in the apparatus of the State. It was not such a case here in France. With the exception of the interim period after the signing of the Concordat of 1801 by Napoleon and Pope Pius VII, France constructed its idea of the nation by breaking all ties with religion, specifically with Catholicism – which as a whole seemed to be welded to the Ancien Régime. Emile Durkheim recorded that, at its very foundations, The French Republic placed the “ideas, feelings and practices derived from reason alone.” (Durkheim 1903, 3) Yet during recent times nationalism, conceived here in very general terms in the style of Ernst Gellner or Benedict Anderson as the ideology of campaigners who promoted the national structure of life, has embraced the Christian frame of reference, which until recently it had failed to acknowledge with the exception of certain groups that had evolved from the
法国的新民族主义与宗教
从历史上讲,国家是一个近代的政治结构。在法国,它出现于18、19世纪之交。在此之前,这个国家一直生活在王朝忠诚的制度下:一条长长的链条从农民延伸到国王,再延伸到上帝自己,君主政体就是从上帝进化而来的。1789年的大革命改变了原有的秩序:在启蒙运动哲学的启发下,特别是在议会“高卢主义”的教义的启发下,大革命引入了一种新的政治联系形式,在这种情况下,这种政治联系是国家的,正如《人权和公民权利宣言》的肯定所证明的那样:“一切主权的原则本质上在于国家。”在过去,社会关系是围绕着一个垂直的机制,即臣服于君主;但从那时起,政治体系就沿着平等关系的轴线横向构建。这种国家模式的建立,就像在北欧一样,往往是在现代政治时代和基督教之间的连续性叙事的支持下进行的,这种叙事允许占主导地位的教会在国家机构中保持存在。在法国,情况并非如此。除了拿破仑和教皇庇护七世签署1801年《协约》后的过渡时期外,法国通过断绝与宗教,特别是天主教的一切联系来构建其国家理念,而天主教作为一个整体似乎与旧的伊斯兰教相结合。埃米尔·迪尔凯姆(Emile Durkheim)记录道,在《法兰西共和国》的基础上,它把“思想、感情和实践仅仅从理性中衍生出来”。(涂尔干1903,3)然而,在近代,民族主义,在这里以恩斯特·盖尔纳或本尼迪克特·安德森的风格,以非常一般的术语来构想,作为促进国家生活结构的活动家的意识形态,已经接受了基督教的参考框架,直到最近,它还没有承认基督教的参考框架,除了从基督教演变而来的某些群体
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