Employment Mobility and the Belated Emergence of the Black Middle Class

William Lazonick, Philip W. Moss, Joshua Weitz
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

As the Covid-19 pandemic takes its disproportionate toll on African Americans, the historical perspective in this working paper provides insight into the socioeconomic conditions under which President-elect Joe Biden’s campaign promise to “build back better” might actually begin to deliver the equal employment opportunity that was promised by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Far from becoming the Great Society that President Lyndon Johnson promised, the United States has devolved into a greedy society in which economic inequality has run rampant, leaving most African Americans behind. In this installment of our “Fifty Years After” project, we sketch a long-term historical perspective on the Black employment experience from the last decades of the nineteenth century into the 1970s. We follow the transition from the cotton economy of the post-slavery South to the migration that accelerated during World War I as large numbers of Blacks sought employment in mass-production industries in Northern cities such as Detroit, Pittsburgh, and Chicago. For the interwar decades, we focus in particular on the Black employment experience in the Detroit automobile industry. During World War II, especially under pressure from President Roosevelt’s Fair Employment Practices Committee, Blacks experienced tangible upward employment mobility, only to see much of it disappear with demobilization. In the 1960s and into the 1970s, however, supported by the Civil Rights Act and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, Blacks made significant advances in employment opportunity, especially by moving up the blue-collar occupational hierarchy into semiskilled and skilled unionized jobs. These employment gains for Blacks occurred within a specific historical context that included a) strong demand for blue-collar and clerical labor in the U.S. mass-production industries, which still dominated in global competition; b) the unquestioned employment norm within major U.S. business corporations of a career with one company, supported at the blue-collar level by mass-production unions that had become accepted institutions in the U.S. business system; c) the upward intergenerational mobility of white households from blue-collar employment requiring no more than a high-school education to white-collar employment requiring a higher education, creating space for Blacks to fill the blue-collar void; and d) a relative absence of an influx of immigrants as labor-market competition to Black employment. As we will document in the remaining papers in this series, from the 1980s these conditions changed dramatically, resulting in erosion of the blue-collar gains that Blacks had achieved in the 1960s and 1970s as the Great Society promise of equal employment opportunity for all Americans disappeared.
就业流动与黑人中产阶级迟来的出现
随着新冠肺炎大流行给非裔美国人造成了不成比例的损失,本工作文件中的历史视角提供了对社会经济条件的洞察,在这种条件下,当选总统乔·拜登的竞选承诺“重建得更好”实际上可能开始提供1964年《民权法案》第七章所承诺的平等就业机会。美国非但没有成为林登·约翰逊总统承诺的“伟大社会”,反而沦为了一个贪婪的社会,经济不平等现象猖獗,把大多数非洲裔美国人抛在了后面。在我们的“五十年后”项目的这一部分,我们概述了从19世纪最后几十年到20世纪70年代黑人就业经历的长期历史视角。我们将跟随后奴隶制时代南方的棉花经济向第一次世界大战期间加速的移民转变,因为大量黑人在底特律、匹兹堡和芝加哥等北方城市的大规模生产工业中寻找工作。在两次世界大战之间的几十年里,我们特别关注底特律汽车工业的黑人就业经历。在第二次世界大战期间,特别是在罗斯福总统的公平就业实践委员会的压力下,黑人经历了实实在在的向上就业流动,但却看到其中大部分随着遣散而消失。然而,在20世纪60年代和70年代,在《民权法案》(Civil Rights Act)和平等就业机会委员会(Equal Employment Opportunity Commission)的支持下,黑人在就业机会方面取得了重大进展,特别是从蓝领阶层上升到半熟练和熟练的工会工作。黑人的就业增长发生在一个特定的历史背景下,其中包括:1)美国大规模生产行业对蓝领和文职劳动力的强劲需求,这些行业在全球竞争中仍占主导地位;b)在美国主要商业公司中,毫无疑问的就业规范是在一家公司工作,在蓝领阶层得到大规模生产工会的支持,这些工会已成为美国商业体系中公认的机构;c)白人家庭的向上代际流动,从只需要高中学历的蓝领工作到需要高等教育的白领工作,为黑人填补蓝领的空白创造了空间;d)相对缺乏作为劳动力市场对黑人就业竞争的移民涌入。正如我们将在本系列的其余文章中所述,从20世纪80年代起,这些情况发生了巨大变化,导致黑人在20世纪60年代和70年代取得的蓝领成就受到侵蚀,因为“伟大社会”对所有美国人平等就业机会的承诺消失了。
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