Spending for 'Anti-Poverty' Programs: Restoring a True Safety Net

D. Armor, S. Sousa
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

Federal spending increases for what used to be known as “anti-poverty” programs — food, health insurance, housing, and income support — have become staggering. These programs grew by $100 billion during the eight years of the Bush administration (adjusting for inflation), but they grew by another $150 billion in just the first two years of the Obama administration. Total spending for these four safety net programs stood at $666 billion in 2010, a total larger than Medicare and just slightly smaller than Social Security and national defense. Some of these increases are justified by the deep recession that began in late 2007, due to higher rates of unemployment and poverty. But average benefits per person in poverty increased from $7500 during the early 1990s recession compared to $14,600 for the recent one (correcting for inflation). If all these monies and services were going to the poor, our question would be why the safety net became more costly. Most remarkable, however, and rarely discussed, is that much of the cost increase is explained by benefits going to persons who are above the official poverty line. Today, at least half of the benefits for food programs, Medicaid, and most income assistance programs are going to people who are above the poverty line as defined by the U.S. Census. Federal food program expenditures for 2010 totaled $95 billion, up from just $57 billion in 2007. Most of these expenditures were for food stamps ($68 billion). Of the 40.3 million persons receiving food stamps in 2010, slightly more than half, or 20.4 million, were above the official poverty line as measured by the U.S. Census. Of the 43.8 million non-disabled persons receiving Medicaid and CHIP benefits, fully 25 million are above the official poverty line. More than half of the recipients of Earned Income Tax Credits (EITC) and traditional welfare (TANF) are above the official poverty line. Of the major programs we reviewed, only the federal housing assistance program did not have a majority of recipients above the poverty line. Nevertheless, four out of ten persons receiving housing subsidies are over the line. The debate over federal budget deficits focuses unduly on Medicare and Social Security. The combined spending on anti-poverty programs, and their rate of growth, offers an alternative for reduced federal spending. While anti-poverty programs should clearly help those who are poor, the general public (and perhaps many in Congress) may not be aware that we are giving billions in benefits to persons above the poverty line. By bringing these programs into line with their original purposes, a safety net for the poor, we can save up to $200 billion per year — without reducing benefits for the truly needy.
“反贫困”项目支出:重建真正的安全网
联邦政府在食品、医疗保险、住房和收入支持等过去被称为“反贫困”项目上的支出增加已经变得惊人。这些项目在布什政府的8年里增加了1000亿美元(经通货膨胀调整后),但在奥巴马政府的头两年里又增加了1500亿美元。2010年,这四个安全网项目的总支出为6660亿美元,超过医疗保险,仅略低于社会保障和国防。由于失业率和贫困率的上升,2007年末开始的深度衰退证明了其中一些增长是合理的。但是,贫困人口的人均福利从20世纪90年代初经济衰退期间的7500美元增加到最近一次经济衰退期间的14600美元(扣除通货膨胀因素)。如果所有这些资金和服务都流向了穷人,我们的问题将是,为什么安全网的成本会变得更高。然而,最值得注意的,却很少被讨论的是,大部分成本的增加是由高于官方贫困线的人获得的福利来解释的。今天,至少有一半的食品计划、医疗补助计划和大多数收入援助计划的福利发放给了美国人口普查定义的贫困线以上的人。联邦食品计划2010年的总支出为950亿美元,而2007年仅为570亿美元。其中大部分支出用于食品券(680亿美元)。在2010年领取食品券的4,030万人中,略多于一半的2,040万人生活在美国人口普查的官方贫困线以上。在4380万接受医疗补助和CHIP福利的非残疾人中,有2500万人生活在官方贫困线以上。超过一半的劳动所得税抵免(EITC)和传统福利(TANF)的接受者处于官方贫困线以上。在我们审查的主要项目中,只有联邦住房援助项目的大多数受助人没有处于贫困线以上。然而,每10个领取住房补贴的人中就有4个超过了限额。关于联邦预算赤字的争论过多地集中在医疗保险和社会保障上。反贫困项目的综合支出及其增长率为减少联邦支出提供了另一种选择。虽然反贫困项目显然应该帮助那些穷人,但普通公众(也许还有国会中的许多人)可能没有意识到,我们正在向贫困线以上的人提供数十亿美元的福利。通过使这些项目符合其最初的目的,即为穷人提供安全网,我们每年可以节省高达2000亿美元,而不会减少对真正有需要的人的福利。
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