Reflecting on The Oppositional Discourses Against the AKP’s Neoliberalism and Searching for a New Vision for Feminist Counter Politics

Betül Yarar
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Abstract

Focusing on discourses that are critical of the AKP’s neoliberal regime, in power for the past fifteen years in “Turkey”, this paper aims to reflect on the conceptual settings and vocabulary that have been used by, not only feminist intellectuals/activists, but also other political groups who have been critical of the AKP’s politics. Since feminist counter discourses are considered an interactive part of the public opinion-building process, instead of focusing only on the arguments of feminist intellectuals and activists, critical discourses of different oppositional groups, including feminist ones, are analysed in relational and historical terms. In this paper, the AKP’s long lasting hegemony will be analysed in two different phases. In each phase, there are important changes in the discursive framework of oppositional groups, as the AKP’s governmentality or governmental rationality (strategy to construct social consensus) shifts from conservative-neoliberal to a more authoritarian neoliberal mode. The paper argues that despite their success in scrutinising the Kemalist nationalism and modernisation project, any of those counter-critical positions, including feminist opposition, could be effective against the AKP’s hegemonic rule based on neoliberalism. This argument resonates with Fraser’s* historical analysis of second-wave feminism’s failure against neoliberalism in the West, in respect to the transformation to a post-Fordist, transnational, and neoliberal capitalism. Despite being critical of Fraser’s approach, I find the following question very relevant: has there been a subterranean elective affinity between second-wave feminism conjointly with its New Left counterpart, and neoliberalism? This is a hot topic of discussion for feminists in the AKP’s second period. The paper finally analyses different theoretical-political positions and discursive limits of this debate, which seems very productive for any oppositional group to develop a more comprehensive and sophisticated theoretical analysis of noeliberalism. Providing an alternative theoretical framework that bypasses the failures of the above-mentioned positions is another issue going beyond the limits of this paper.* Fraser, Nancy; Henry A. and Louise Loeb, (2007) “Feminist Politics in the Age of Recognition: A Two-Dimensional Approach to Gender Justice”, Studies in Social Justice, Volume 1, Number 1, Winter 2007; Fraser, Nancy (2009), “Feminism, Capitalism and the Cunning of History”, New Left Review, Mart-April, p. 97-117; Fraser, Nancy (2013), Fortunes of Feminism: From State-Managed Capitalism to Neoliberal Crisis, London and New York: Verso.
对正义与发展党新自由主义的反对话语反思与女性主义反政治新视野的探索
本文聚焦于对过去15年在“土耳其”掌权的正义与发展党新自由主义政权的批评话语,旨在反思女权主义知识分子/活动家以及其他批评正义与发展党政治的政治团体所使用的概念设置和词汇。由于女权主义的反话语被认为是公共舆论建设过程中的一个互动部分,而不是只关注女权主义知识分子和活动家的论点,因此,包括女权主义者在内的不同反对团体的批评话语被从关系和历史的角度进行分析。本文将从两个不同的阶段对正义与发展党长期的霸权进行分析。在每个阶段,随着正义与发展党执政或政府理性(构建社会共识的策略)从保守的新自由主义转向更专制的新自由主义模式,反对派团体的话语框架都发生了重要变化。论文认为,尽管他们成功地审查了凯末尔主义的民族主义和现代化项目,但任何这些反批判立场,包括女权主义反对派,都可能有效地反对正义与发展党基于新自由主义的霸权统治。这一观点与弗雷泽对第二波女权主义在西方反对新自由主义的失败的历史分析产生了共鸣,即向后福特主义、跨国和新自由主义资本主义的转变。尽管我对弗雷泽的方法持批评态度,但我发现以下问题非常相关:第二波女权主义及其新左翼对手与新自由主义之间是否存在一种地下的选择性亲和力?这是正义与发展党第二阶段女权主义者讨论的热门话题。本文最后分析了这场辩论的不同理论政治立场和话语限制,这似乎对任何反对团体发展更全面和更复杂的新自由主义理论分析非常有益。提供一个替代的理论框架,绕过上述立场的失败是另一个问题,超出了本文的限制。*南希·弗雷泽;Henry A.和Louise Loeb,(2007)“承认时代的女权主义政治:性别正义的二维途径”,《社会正义研究》,第1卷,第1期,2007年冬季;南希·弗雷泽(2009),《女权主义、资本主义与历史的狡诈》,《新左派评论》,第97-117页;南希·弗雷泽(2013),《女权主义的命运:从国家管理的资本主义到新自由主义危机》,伦敦和纽约:反之。
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