Variable Pitch Realization of Unparsed Moras in Suzhou Chinese: Evaluation Through F0 Trajectory Simulation and Classification

Yuhong Zhu
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Abstract

This study aims to tease apart two proposals regarding the phonetic realization of toneless TBUs: that they are realized with default (often L) tones (Yip 2002; Zhang 2016), or that they stay without phonological tones and surface as interpolated pitch between tonal targets (Pierrehumbert & Beckman 1988; Zhang et al. 2019). The original fieldwork data of toneless moras in Suzhou Chinese (Northern Wu) demonstrated considerable variation in toneless realization, both across- and within-speaker. Assessed by the simulation & classification framework of Shaw and Kawahara (2018), some speakers more frequently used interpolation between tones (e.g., high level between Hs, low rising between L and H), while others realized the toneless mora with a relatively low pitch regardless of the tonal context. In addition, tonal contexts also affected how toneless moras were realized, with more interpolation when the toneless moras were surrounded by two Hs, and more default L insertion when the mora was preceded by L and followed by H. There was no unified way of toneless realization in Suzhou, much like a model of probablistic/variable phonological process would predict (Coetzee & Pater 2011; Coetzee & Kawahara 2013).
苏州汉语未解析Moras的变距实现:F0轨迹仿真与分类评价
本研究旨在梳理两种关于无音调TBUs语音实现的建议:它们通过默认(通常是L)音调实现(Yip 2002;Zhang 2016),或者它们没有音系音调,表面是音调目标之间的插值音高(Pierrehumbert & Beckman 1988;Zhang et al. 2019)。苏州汉语(北吴语)无音moras的原始田野调查数据表明,在跨言者和内言者的无音实现上存在相当大的差异。通过Shaw和Kawahara(2018)的模拟和分类框架评估,一些说话者更频繁地使用音调之间的插值(例如,Hs之间的高水平,L和H之间的低上升),而另一些人则不考虑音调上下文,以相对较低的音调实现无音调的mora。此外,声调语境也会影响无音情态的实现方式,当无音情态被两个h包围时,会有更多的插入,而当情态前有L后有h时,会有更多的默认L插入。苏州没有统一的无音情态实现方式,就像概率/可变语音过程模型所预测的那样(Coetzee & Pater 2011;Coetzee & Kawahara 2013)。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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