The social lives of generative adversarial networks

Michael Castelle
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If, then, in the training of GANs, these two 'AIs' interact with each other in a dyadic fashion, shouldn't we consider that form of learning... social? This observation can lead to some surprising associations as we compare and contrast GANs with the theories of the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, whose concept of the so-called habitus is one which is simultaneously cognitive and social: a productive perception in which classification practices and practical action cannot be fully disentangled. Bourdieu had long been concerned with the reproduction of social stratification: his early works studied formal public schooling in France not as an egalitarian system but instead as one which unintentionally maintained the persistence of class distinctions. It was, he argued, through the cultural inculcation of an embodied and partially unconscious habitus---a \"durably installed generative principle of regulated improvisations\"---that, he argued, students from the upper classes are given an advantage which is only further reinforced throughout their educational trajectories. For Bourdieu, institutions of schooling instill \"deeply interiorized master patterns\" of behavior and thought (and classification) which in turn direct the acquisition of subsequent patterns, whose character is determined not simply by this cognitive layering but by their actual use in lived practice, especially early in childhood development. In this work I develop a productive analogy between the GAN architecture and Bourdieu's habitus, in three ways. First, I call attention to the fact that connectionist approaches and Bourdieu's theories were both conceived as revolts against rule-bound paradigms. In the 1980s, Rumelhart and McClelland used a multilayer neural network to learn the phonology of English past-tense verbs because \"sometimes we don't follow the rules... language is full of exceptions to the rules\"; and in the case of Bourdieu, the habitus was an answer to a long-standing question: \"how can behaviour be regulated without being the product of obedience to rules?\" Bourdieu strove to transgress what was then seen in the social sciences as a conceptual opposition between structure-based theories of social life and those which emphasized an embodied agency. Second, I suggest that concerns about bias and discrimination in machine learning in recent years can in part be attributed due to the increased use of ML models not just for static classification but for practical action. Similarly, the habitus for Bourdieu is simultaneously durable and transposable: its judgments may be relatively stable, but are capable of being deployed dynamically in novel and varying social situations---or what ML practitioners might call generalizability. We can thus theorize generative models (including GANs) as biased not just in their stereotyped classifications, but through their potential for actively generating new biased data. These generated actions then recursively become part of the social arena Bourdieu called the field, into which new agents are 'born' and for which they may know few alternatives. Finally, it is intriguing that GAN researchers and Bourdieu both extensively use metaphors from game theory. Goodfellow described the GAN architecture as a \"two-player minimax game with value function V(G,D)\", meaning that there is a single abstract function whose output value the discriminator is trying to maximize and which the generator is trying to minimize; but the dynamic nature of the GAN training process means that convergence to Nash equilibrium is nontrivial. But for Bourdieu, such a utility-based approach to artistic creation could not be more crude when compared to the social reality of art worlds: utilitarianism is, for him, \"the degree zero of sociology\", by which he means an isolated, inert, and amodal---and therefore not particularly sociological---starting point. Moreover, 19th-century bohemian culture was characterized primarily by its inversion of financial incentives, in which failure is a kind of success, and \"selling out\" (i.e. maximizing profit) worst of all; and thus the relentless optimization of neural networks may be fundamentally at odds with the \"value functions\" of many human artists. 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引用次数: 9

Abstract

Generative adversarial networks (GANs) are a genre of deep learning model of significant practical and theoretical interest for their facility in producing photorealistic 'fake' images which are plausibly similar, but not identical, to a corpus of training data. But from the perspective of a sociologist, the distinctive architecture of GANs is highly suggestive. First, a convolutional neural network for classification, on its own, is (at present) popularly considered to be an 'AI'; and a generative neural network is a kind of inversion of such a classification network (i.e. a layered transformation from a vector of numbers to an image, as opposed to a transformation from an image to a vector of numbers). If, then, in the training of GANs, these two 'AIs' interact with each other in a dyadic fashion, shouldn't we consider that form of learning... social? This observation can lead to some surprising associations as we compare and contrast GANs with the theories of the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, whose concept of the so-called habitus is one which is simultaneously cognitive and social: a productive perception in which classification practices and practical action cannot be fully disentangled. Bourdieu had long been concerned with the reproduction of social stratification: his early works studied formal public schooling in France not as an egalitarian system but instead as one which unintentionally maintained the persistence of class distinctions. It was, he argued, through the cultural inculcation of an embodied and partially unconscious habitus---a "durably installed generative principle of regulated improvisations"---that, he argued, students from the upper classes are given an advantage which is only further reinforced throughout their educational trajectories. For Bourdieu, institutions of schooling instill "deeply interiorized master patterns" of behavior and thought (and classification) which in turn direct the acquisition of subsequent patterns, whose character is determined not simply by this cognitive layering but by their actual use in lived practice, especially early in childhood development. In this work I develop a productive analogy between the GAN architecture and Bourdieu's habitus, in three ways. First, I call attention to the fact that connectionist approaches and Bourdieu's theories were both conceived as revolts against rule-bound paradigms. In the 1980s, Rumelhart and McClelland used a multilayer neural network to learn the phonology of English past-tense verbs because "sometimes we don't follow the rules... language is full of exceptions to the rules"; and in the case of Bourdieu, the habitus was an answer to a long-standing question: "how can behaviour be regulated without being the product of obedience to rules?" Bourdieu strove to transgress what was then seen in the social sciences as a conceptual opposition between structure-based theories of social life and those which emphasized an embodied agency. Second, I suggest that concerns about bias and discrimination in machine learning in recent years can in part be attributed due to the increased use of ML models not just for static classification but for practical action. Similarly, the habitus for Bourdieu is simultaneously durable and transposable: its judgments may be relatively stable, but are capable of being deployed dynamically in novel and varying social situations---or what ML practitioners might call generalizability. We can thus theorize generative models (including GANs) as biased not just in their stereotyped classifications, but through their potential for actively generating new biased data. These generated actions then recursively become part of the social arena Bourdieu called the field, into which new agents are 'born' and for which they may know few alternatives. Finally, it is intriguing that GAN researchers and Bourdieu both extensively use metaphors from game theory. Goodfellow described the GAN architecture as a "two-player minimax game with value function V(G,D)", meaning that there is a single abstract function whose output value the discriminator is trying to maximize and which the generator is trying to minimize; but the dynamic nature of the GAN training process means that convergence to Nash equilibrium is nontrivial. But for Bourdieu, such a utility-based approach to artistic creation could not be more crude when compared to the social reality of art worlds: utilitarianism is, for him, "the degree zero of sociology", by which he means an isolated, inert, and amodal---and therefore not particularly sociological---starting point. Moreover, 19th-century bohemian culture was characterized primarily by its inversion of financial incentives, in which failure is a kind of success, and "selling out" (i.e. maximizing profit) worst of all; and thus the relentless optimization of neural networks may be fundamentally at odds with the "value functions" of many human artists. I conclude that deep learning, while primarily understood as a scientific and technical achievement, may also intentionally or unintentionally constitute a nascent, independent reinvention of social theory.
生成对抗网络的社会生活
生成对抗网络(gan)是一种深度学习模型,具有重要的实践和理论意义,因为它们能够生成与训练数据语料库相似但不相同的逼真“假”图像。但从社会学家的角度来看,gan的独特结构具有很强的启发性。首先,用于分类的卷积神经网络本身(目前)被普遍认为是一种“人工智能”;而生成神经网络是这种分类网络的一种反转(即从数字向量到图像的分层转换,而不是从图像到数字向量的转换)。那么,如果在gan的训练中,这两个“ai”以二元方式相互作用,我们不应该考虑这种学习形式……社会?当我们将gan与社会学家皮埃尔·布迪厄(Pierre Bourdieu)的理论进行比较和对比时,这一观察结果可能会导致一些令人惊讶的联想。布迪厄的所谓“习惯”概念同时是认知和社会的:一种生产性的感知,在这种感知中,分类实践和实际行动不能完全分开。布迪厄长期以来一直关注社会分层的再现:他早期的作品研究了法国的正规公立学校,并不是把它作为一种平等主义制度,而是作为一种无意中维持阶级差别的持续存在的制度。他认为,正是通过一种具体化的、部分无意识的习惯的文化灌输——一种“长期固定的、受管制的即兴创作的生成原则”——他认为,上层阶级的学生被赋予了一种优势,这种优势在他们的教育轨迹中只会进一步加强。对于布迪厄来说,学校教育机构灌输了行为和思想(和分类)的“深刻内化的主模式”,这些模式反过来又指导了后续模式的获得,这些模式的特征不仅由这种认知分层决定,而且由它们在生活实践中的实际使用决定,特别是在儿童发展的早期。在这项工作中,我从三个方面对GAN架构和布迪厄的习性进行了富有成效的类比。首先,我要提请注意这样一个事实,即连接主义方法和布迪厄的理论都被认为是对规则约束范式的反抗。在20世纪80年代,Rumelhart和McClelland使用多层神经网络来学习英语过去时动词的音系,因为“有时我们不遵守规则……语言中充满了规则的例外”;在布迪厄的案例中,习惯是对一个长期存在的问题的回答:“行为如何被规范,而不是服从规则的产物?”布迪厄试图超越当时在社会科学中被视为基于结构的社会生活理论与那些强调具体化代理的理论之间的概念对立。其次,我认为,近年来对机器学习中的偏见和歧视的担忧,在一定程度上可以归因于ML模型的使用增加,不仅用于静态分类,而且用于实际行动。同样,布迪厄的习惯同时是持久的和可转换的:它的判断可能相对稳定,但能够在新的和不同的社会情境中动态部署——或者ML从业者可能称之为泛化性。因此,我们可以将生成模型(包括gan)理论化,认为它不仅在其刻板分类中有偏见,而且在积极生成新的有偏见数据的潜力中也有偏见。这些生成的行为然后递归地成为布迪厄称之为领域的社会舞台的一部分,在这个舞台上,新的行动者“诞生”,他们可能没有什么选择。最后,有趣的是,GAN研究者和Bourdieu都广泛使用博弈论中的隐喻。Goodfellow将GAN架构描述为“具有值函数V(G,D)的二人极大极小博弈”,这意味着存在一个抽象函数,鉴别器试图最大化其输出值,生成器试图最小化其输出值;但GAN训练过程的动态性意味着收敛到纳什均衡是不平凡的。但对于布迪厄来说,与艺术世界的社会现实相比,这种以功利为基础的艺术创作方法再粗糙不过了:对他来说,功利主义是“社会学的零度”,他的意思是一个孤立的、惰性的、模式化的——因此不是特别社会学的——起点。此外,19世纪的波西米亚文化的主要特征是经济激励的反转,在这种情况下,失败是一种成功,最糟糕的是“出卖”(即利润最大化);因此,神经网络的无情优化可能从根本上与许多人类艺术家的“价值函数”不一致。 我的结论是,深度学习虽然主要被理解为一项科学和技术成就,但也可能有意或无意地构成对社会理论的新生的、独立的重新发明。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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