Are Democrats Greener than Republicans? The Case of California Air Quality

Y. H. Farzin, C. Bond
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Abstract

When it comes to environmental quality preferences, it is popularly believed that Democrats (and more generally, liberals) are “green�? while Republicans (conservatives) are “brown�?. Does empirical evidence support this popular belief? We test the hypothesis that regional political identification leads to differences in concentration outcomes for several measures of California air pollution indicators, including CO, NO2, SO2, O3, PM10, and PM2.5 concentrations. We employ two alternative identification strategies on county-level cluster and year panel data that include proxy variables for political party preferences of the local populace, as well as controlling for the political party affiliations at the state-level legislative and executive branches. In general, we do not find a consistent and statistically significant relationship between pollution outcomes and political variables for California. The popular belief is empirically supported only for NO2 and O3, but not for any of the other pollutants, and even in these two cases the relationship only holds at the local regulatory level and not at the state policymaking level. At the state level, for most of the pollutants no significant effect of party affiliation is identified, and in the rare cases where such an effect exists, it is either too weak to be conclusive or is even counter to popular belief.
民主党人比共和党人更环保?加州空气质量案例
当谈到环境质量偏好时,人们普遍认为民主党人(以及更普遍的自由派)是“绿色的”。而共和党人(保守派)是“棕色的”。经验证据是否支持这一普遍观点?我们检验了区域政治认同导致加州空气污染指标(包括CO、NO2、SO2、O3、PM10和PM2.5浓度)浓度结果差异的假设。我们对县级集群和年度面板数据采用了两种替代识别策略,其中包括当地民众政党偏好的代理变量,以及控制州一级立法和行政部门的政党隶属关系。总的来说,我们没有发现加州的污染结果和政治变量之间存在一致的、统计上显著的关系。这种普遍的看法仅在NO2和O3上得到了经验支持,而在其他任何污染物上都没有得到支持,即使在这两种情况下,这种关系也只在地方监管层面成立,而在国家决策层面则不成立。在州一级,对于大多数污染物来说,党派关系没有显著的影响,在极少数情况下,这种影响存在,它要么太弱而不能成为决定性的,要么甚至与普遍的看法相反。
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