Conclusion: The flow of life in Bronze Age Britain and Ireland

Joanna Brück
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Abstract

It is evident from the discussion in previous chapters that the projection into the past of dualistic conceptual frameworks that sharply distinguish subject from object, for example, or culture from nature, is problematic. Instead, the evidence suggests that the Bronze Age self was not constructed in opposition to an external ‘other’. Things outside of the body, such as significant objects, formed inalienable components of the person, while parts of the human body circulated in the same exchange networks as objects. The self was constituted relationally, so that the social and political position of particular people depended on their connections with others. Special places, too, were sedimented into the self, forming an inextricable part of personal, family, and community histories. The Bronze Age person can therefore be viewed as a composite—an assemblage of substances and elements flowing in and out of the wider social landscape. Indeed, it is interesting to note how ideas of substance may have changed from the Neolithic to the Bronze Age. Neolithic technologies—notably the grinding and polishing of stone axes—made evident the qualities of the material itself: polishing enhanced the colour, texture, and geological inclusions of such objects, rendering visible their very essence and origin (Whittle 1995; Cooney 2002). By contrast, bronze was made of a mixture of materials and its constituent elements were hidden. The production of composite objects also became more frequent during the Bronze Age (Jones 2002, 164–5), for example the miniature halberd pendant made of gold, amber, and copper alloy from an Early Bronze Age grave at Wilsford G8 in Wiltshire (Needham et al. 2015a, 230). Sometimes particular components of such items were concealed: the conical pendant or button from Upton Lovell G2e in Wiltshire comprised a shale core covered with sheet gold (Needham et al. 2015a, 222–5). This need not indicate an attempt to deceive others into believing this item was made of solid gold, however, for shale was itself used to make decorative items and was evidently a valued material during this period.
结论:青铜器时代不列颠和爱尔兰的生命流动
从前几章的讨论中可以明显看出,将二元概念框架投射到过去,例如,将主体与客体或文化与自然区分开来,是有问题的。相反,有证据表明,青铜时代的自我并不是与外部的“他者”相对立的。身体以外的事物,如有意义的物体,构成了人不可分割的组成部分,而人体的各个部分与物体一样在同一交换网络中流通。自我是由关系构成的,因此特定人群的社会和政治地位取决于他们与他人的联系。特殊的地方也沉淀在自我之中,形成了个人、家庭和社区历史中不可分割的一部分。因此,青铜器时代的人可以被视为一个综合体——一个物质和元素的集合,这些物质和元素流入和流出更广泛的社会景观。事实上,从新石器时代到青铜时代,物质观念的变化是很有趣的。新石器时代的技术——尤其是对石斧的研磨和抛光——使材料本身的品质变得明显:抛光增强了这些物体的颜色、质地和地质内含物,使它们的本质和起源变得清晰可见(Whittle 1995;库尼2002)。相比之下,青铜是由多种材料混合制成的,其组成元素是隐藏的。在青铜时代,复合物品的生产也变得更加频繁(Jones 2002, 165 - 5),例如,在Wiltshire Wilsford G8的早期青铜时代坟墓中发现的由金、琥珀和铜合金制成的微型戟吊坠(Needham et al. 2015, 230)。有时这些物品的特定成分被隐藏起来:威尔特郡Upton Lovell G2e的锥形吊坠或纽扣由覆盖着金片的页岩岩心组成(Needham et al. 2015a, 222-5)。然而,这并不意味着他试图欺骗别人,让他们相信这件物品是由纯金制成的,因为页岩本身就被用来制作装饰物品,在这个时期显然是一种有价值的材料。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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