Exiting From The State in Nigeria

Eghosa E. Osaghae
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引用次数: 51

Abstract

Recent literature on politics in Africa and the third world is replete with accounts of the rise of "mostly anti-system, mostly grassroots, movements with a variety of political social and economic goals ... which are often beyond the control of the state" (Haynes, 1997: vii, 3).' Another account refers to groups which interact with the state "by bypassing it ... by defining [themselves] in relation to economic, political or cultural systems which transcend the state, by submerging the state with its spectacular claims and mobilisations" (Bayart, 1991: 60; also Bayat,1997). The phenomenon described in these accounts is referred to in the literature as exit, defined as disengagement or retreat from the state by disaffected segments of the citizenry into alternative and parallel social, cultural, economic and political ' systems which are constructed in civil society and which compete with those of the state (cf Azarya, 1988, 1994; Azarya and Chazan, 1987; Bratton, 1989; Young, 1994).2 This is a deviation from the marriage between citizens and the state which is consumated in terms of reciprocal rights and duties. Exit is commonly regarded as a strategy for coping with "a domineering yet ineffective state" (cf du Toit, 1995: 31 ), but it also represents the resistance of weak and marginalised segments which in extreme cases can lead to separatist agitation or even secession. An analytical distinction can accordingly be made between exit from the polity and exit from the state.* The former involves bypassing or avoiding the organised civil order without necessarily disconnecting from the state. Such qualified exit which is more prevalent amongst the ordinary peoples, for whom exit is a matter of survival, results from the fact that however much they try to avoid the state, those organising the parallel systems continually need the state one way or another. Following the example of the "Black Market" in Ghana where two thirds of the annual cocoa export in the early 1980s was done illegally, it has been observed that
从尼日利亚出境
最近关于非洲和第三世界政治的文献中充满了对“主要是反体制的,主要是草根的,具有各种政治、社会和经济目标的运动”兴起的描述。这往往超出了国家的控制”(Haynes, 1997: vii, 3)。另一种说法是指那些“绕过国家……通过将自己定义为超越国家的经济、政治或文化体系,通过将国家淹没在其壮观的主张和动员中”(Bayart, 1991: 60;也到了,1997)。这些描述中所描述的现象在文献中被称为退出,定义为公民中不满的部分脱离或退出国家,进入在公民社会中构建的替代和平行的社会、文化、经济和政治制度,并与国家的制度竞争(参见Azarya, 1988年,1994年;Azarya and Chazan, 1987;布拉顿,1989;年轻,1994)。2这是对公民和国家之间的婚姻的一种偏离,这种婚姻是在相互的权利和义务方面完成的。退出通常被认为是应对“一个霸道而无效的国家”的一种策略(cf du Toit, 1995: 31),但它也代表了弱势和边缘化群体的抵抗,在极端情况下可能导致分离主义煽动甚至分裂。因此,可以对退出政体和退出国家进行分析区分。*前者涉及绕过或避开有组织的民间秩序,而不必脱离国家。这种有条件的退出在普通民众中更为普遍,对他们来说,退出是一种生存问题,其结果是,无论他们多么努力地避开国家,那些组织平行系统的人总是以这样或那样的方式需要国家。以加纳的“黑市”为例,在1980年代初,每年三分之二的可可出口是非法的
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