Modell Deutschland as an Interdenominational Compromise

P. Manow
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

Chapter 3 argues that the cooperation in the interwar period between, economically, unions and employers and, politically, between Social and Christian Democracy, estranged the liberal Protestant camp from its former pet project, social reform. An important consequence of this estrangement was the birth of ordoliberalism. Ordoliberalism, however, was much less influential in the postwar period than usually claimed. It legitimized a politics of non-intervention, which rather left a void for the corporate actors to fill, so it involuntarily furthered corporatism, not liberalism. Otherwise it provided the inability of the central state to actively manage the economy with a post hoc ideological justification. Thus, Germany’s postwar compromise was “bipolar,” combining corporatist cooperation between capital and labor, heavily reliant on the organizational and material resources of the welfare state, with a central government with limited capacity for macroeconomic steering and without the means of credibly issuing promises of full employment (as the main difference in comparison to the Scandinavian cases).
德国作为一个教派间妥协的模型
第三章认为,在两次世界大战之间,工会和雇主在经济上的合作,以及社会民主党和基督教民主党在政治上的合作,使自由主义新教阵营疏远了其以前的得意项目——社会改革。这种隔阂的一个重要后果是世界自由主义的诞生。然而,自由秩序主义在战后时期的影响力远不如通常所说的那么大。它使不干涉政治合法化,这反而给企业行动者留下了填补的空白,因此它不由自主地推动了社团主义,而不是自由主义。否则,它为中央政府无力积极管理经济提供了一种事后的意识形态辩护。因此,德国战后的妥协是“两极化的”,结合了资本和劳动之间的社团主义合作,严重依赖福利国家的组织和物质资源,中央政府对宏观经济的指导能力有限,也没有可靠地发布充分就业承诺的手段(这是与斯堪的纳维亚案例相比的主要区别)。
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