Socialist/Marxist Feminism

W. Lee
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Abstract

The long arc of Marxist scholarship certainly reaches many domains—economics, sociology, political ecology. However, few scholarly projects have likely benefited more, or offered more, to sustaining the relevance of Marx and Marxism than the feminist analysis, interpretation, and application of the Marxist critique of capitalism. From the earliest translations of Marxist thought into revolutionary action, socialist feminists have sought to introduce sex and gender as salient categories of capitalist oppression, arguing that being a woman bound to patriarchal institutions such as marriage is comparable to a working-class laborer bound to the wage. Friedrich Engels also plays a key role in the socialist feminist appropriation of Marxist ideas. By showing the extent to which marriage is about the maintenance and expansion of property, Engels opens the door to a wide range of analysis concerning the material conditions of women’s lives and labors. Marxist ideas become the focus of renewed interest over the course of the American civil rights and feminist movements of the 1960s. It is thus unsurprising that a wealth of new feminist and antiracist theories begin to develop during this period, as well as analyses of structural inequality, including oppression with respect to the LGBTQ community. It is perhaps the most recent work among socialist feminists, in league with other activists and theorists, however, that is both truest to Marx’s original intent and that demonstrates the relevance of his ideas to the future fortunes of human societies, namely, the application of Marxist critique to environmental deterioration—especially anthropogenic climate change. Hence, the following is organized historically but also topically. It begins with the work of early socialist feminists, looking to include women within Marxist categories of class analysis but quickly moves to arguments that sex and gender—and then race/ethnicity and sexual identity—constitute their own salient categories of oppression. This explosion of theory and activism deserves to be treated topically so that the variety and breadth of socialist feminist ideas as well as the divisions and debates among its representatives becomes clear. The critique of capitalism has, of course, always been an essentially global enterprise. It is thus not surprising that the extension of socialist feminist analyses to the Global North and Global South would produce a wealth of insight and activism. For many of the same reasons, the same is true of the rise of socialist ecofeminism. The last section comes full circle. Devoted to arguments whose focus is the justification and fomenting of revolution, The Communist Manifesto finds its place next to contemporary socialist ecofeminist calls for workers from all regions of the planet to unite to overthrow once and for all the capitalist economic system responsible for jeopardizing the planet’s capacity to support life.
社会主义和马克思主义女权主义
马克思主义学术的长篇大论当然涉及许多领域——经济学、社会学、政治生态学。然而,在维持马克思和马克思主义的相关性方面,很少有学术项目比女权主义分析、解释和应用马克思主义对资本主义的批评更有可能受益或提供更多。从最早将马克思主义思想转化为革命行动开始,社会主义女权主义者就试图将性和社会性别作为资本主义压迫的突出类别,他们认为,受婚姻等父权制度束缚的女性,就像受工资束缚的工人阶级劳动者一样。弗里德里希·恩格斯在社会主义女权主义挪用马克思主义思想方面也发挥了关键作用。通过展示婚姻在多大程度上是关于财产的维持和扩张,恩格斯打开了对妇女生活和劳动的物质条件进行广泛分析的大门。在20世纪60年代的美国民权运动和女权运动中,马克思主义思想成为人们重新关注的焦点。因此,这一时期出现了大量新的女权主义和反种族主义理论,以及对结构性不平等的分析,包括对LGBTQ群体的压迫,也就不足为奇了。然而,这可能是社会主义女权主义者与其他活动家和理论家合作的最新作品,它既最真实地反映了马克思的初衷,也证明了他的思想与人类社会未来命运的相关性,即马克思主义批判对环境恶化的应用——尤其是人为气候变化。因此,以下内容是按历史和主题组织的。它从早期社会主义女权主义者的工作开始,试图将女性纳入马克思主义的阶级分析范畴,但很快就转移到性别和性别的争论,然后是种族/民族和性身份,构成了他们自己的压迫的显著类别。这种理论和行动主义的爆发值得被专题对待,以便社会主义女权主义思想的多样性和广度,以及其代表之间的分歧和辩论变得清晰。当然,对资本主义的批判本质上一直是一项全球性的事业。因此,将社会主义女权主义分析扩展到全球北方和全球南方将产生丰富的洞察力和行动主义,这并不奇怪。出于许多相同的原因,社会主义生态女性主义的兴起也是如此。最后一部分又兜了一圈。《共产党宣言》专注于论证革命的正当性和煽动性,它的地位与当代社会主义生态女权主义者的地位相当,后者呼吁世界各地的工人团结起来,彻底推翻危及地球生存能力的资本主义经济体系。
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