Caste in the Census of India

Alexander Lee
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Abstract

Much of the activity of ethnic activists, in particular their social and educational activities, occurred in a private, vernacular language world that was difficult for outsiders to observe even at the time. Variation in the level of importance attached to social ranking is similarly difficult to measure in practice, since much of the expression of ranking norms is cultural and takes place outside formal state structures. The role of the census in colonial India provides an interesting exception to this pattern: quite unintentionally, the colonial state created a means by which caste activists could register their activities and aspirations, and a language in which those aspirations could be expressed. The census assumed the role of a forum for caste claims when superintendent H. H. Risley decided to organize the census returns by hierarchical caste status. While Risley's goal was to generate data supporting his own theory of the racial origins of caste, the classification change had dramatic consequences: many lower and middle caste elites anxious to maximize their hierarchical status organized to petition the census authorities for a new caste name, typically one that linked them to a ‘higher’ caste or to one of the three higher varnas of the Sanskritic caste hierarchy. Other caste elites also petitioned for new names, to distance themselves from the ranking system entirely, by disassociating themselves from names that suggested subordination. The census, of course, was not a neutral participant in this process. Simply by asking Indians about their caste, the census authorities potentially made caste more salient to individuals than it had been previously. Moreover, the census's simple categories (and in some periods interest in a single hierarchical dimension) tended to delegitimize and override previous, perhaps more ambiguous, identities (Dirks 2002). However, as we shall see, there was considerable variation in the way in which caste activists used these new concepts and categories. Caste in the census While statistical enumerations of India had long collected information about caste (Guha 2003), the connection between caste and the census changed in the early twentieth century through the work of H. H. Risley, who became superintendent of the Census of India for the 1901 census.
印度人口普查中的种姓
少数民族积极分子的许多活动,特别是他们的社会和教育活动,都是在一个私人的、使用白话的世界里进行的,即使在当时外人也很难观察到。对社会等级的重视程度的变化在实践中同样难以衡量,因为等级规范的许多表达是文化的,发生在正式的国家结构之外。在殖民时期的印度,人口普查的作用为这种模式提供了一个有趣的例外:相当无意中,殖民国家创造了一种手段,通过这种手段,种姓活动家可以登记他们的活动和愿望,以及一种可以表达这些愿望的语言。当局长h·h·里斯利决定按等级种姓地位组织人口普查结果时,人口普查承担了种姓主张论坛的角色。虽然Risley的目标是生成数据来支持他自己关于种姓的种族起源的理论,但分类的变化产生了戏剧性的后果:许多中低种姓精英急于最大化他们的等级地位,组织起来向人口普查当局请愿,要求一个新的种姓名称,通常是一个将他们与“更高”种姓或梵文种姓等级制度中三个更高的瓦尔纳之一联系起来。其他种姓精英也要求取新名字,与那些暗示从属地位的名字划清界限,从而与等级制度划清界限。当然,人口普查在这个过程中并不是中立的参与者。仅仅通过询问印度人的种姓,人口普查当局就可能使种姓对个人来说比以前更加突出。此外,人口普查的简单分类(在某些时期对单一等级维度感兴趣)倾向于使以前的、可能更模糊的身份失去合法性和凌驾于此(Dirks 2002)。然而,正如我们将看到的,种姓活动家使用这些新概念和类别的方式有相当大的变化。虽然印度的统计普查长期以来一直收集有关种姓的信息(Guha 2003),但种姓和人口普查之间的联系在20世纪初通过h.h. Risley的工作发生了变化,他成为1901年人口普查的印度人口普查负责人。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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