Exchange Rate Policies and Economic Development

E. L. Yeyati
{"title":"Exchange Rate Policies and Economic Development","authors":"E. L. Yeyati","doi":"10.1093/ACREFORE/9780190625979.013.356","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"While traditional economic literature often sees nominal variables as irrelevant for the real economy, there is a vast body of analytical and empirical economic work that recognizes that, to the extent they exert a critical influence on the macroeconomic environment through a multiplicity of channels, exchange rate policies (ERP) have important consequences for development.\n ERP influences economic development in various ways: through its incidence on real variables such as investment and growth (and growth volatility) and on nominal aspects such relative prices or financial depth that, in turn, affect output growth or income distribution, among other development goals. Additionally, ERP, through the expected distribution of the real exchange rate indirectly, influences dimensions such as trade or financial fragility and explains, at least partially, the adoption of the euro—an extreme case of a fixed exchange rate arrangement—or the preference for floating exchange rates in the absence of financial dollarization. Importantly, exchange rate pegs have been (and, in many countries, still are) widely used as a nominal anchor to contain inflation in economies where nominal volatility induces agents to use the exchange rate as an implicit unit of account. All of these channels have been reflected to varying degrees in the choice of exchange rate regimes in recent history.\n The empirical literature on the consequences of ERP has been plagued by definitional and measurement problems. Whereas few economists would contest the textbook definition of canonical exchange rate regimes (fixed regimes involve a commitment to keep the nominal exchange rate at a given level; floating regimes imply no market intervention by the monetary authorities), reality is more nuanced: Pure floats are hard to find, and the empirical distinction between alternative flexible regimes is not always clear. Moreover, there are many different degrees of exchange rate commitments as well as many alternative anchors, sometimes undisclosed. Finally, it is not unusual that a country that officially declares to peg its currency realigns its parity if it finds the constraints on monetary policy or economic activity too taxing. By the same token, a country that commits to a float may choose to intervene in the foreign exchange market to dampen exchange rate fluctuations.\n The regime of choice depends critically on the situation of each country at a given point in time as much as on the evolution of the global environment. Because both the ERP debate and real-life choices incorporate national and time-specific aspects that tend to evolve over time, so does the changing focus of the debate. In the post-World War II years, under the Bretton Woods agreement, most countries pegged their currencies to the U.S. dollar, which in turn was kept convertible to gold. In the post-Bretton Woods years, after August 1971 when the United States abandoned unilaterally the convertibility of the dollar, thus bringing the Bretton Woods system to an end, the individual choices of ERP were intimately related to the global and local historical contexts, according to whether policy prioritized the use of the exchange rate as a nominal anchor (in favor of pegged or superfixed exchange rates, with dollarization or the launch of the euro as two extreme examples), as a tool to enhance price competitiveness (as in export-oriented developing countries like China in the 2000s) or as a countercyclical buffer (in favor of floating regimes with limited intervention, the prevalent view in the developed world). Similarly, the declining degree of financial dollarization, combined with the improved quality of monetary institutions, explain the growing popularity of inflation targeting with floating exchange rates in emerging economies. Finally, a prudential leaning-against-the-wind intervention to counter mean reverting global financial cycles and exchange rate swings motivates a more active—and increasingly mainstream—ERP in the late 2000s.\n The fact that most medium and large developing economies (and virtually all industrial ones) revealed in the 2000s a preference for exchange rate flexibility simply reflects this evolution. Is the combination of inflation targeting (IT) and countercyclical exchange rate intervention a new paradigm? It is still too early to judge. On the one hand, pegs still represent more than half of the IMF reporting countries—particularly, small ones—indicating that exchange rate anchors are still favored by small open economies that give priority to the trade dividend of stable exchange rates and find the conduct of an autonomous monetary policy too costly, due to lack of human capital, scale, or an important non-tradable sector. On the other hand, the work and the empirical evidence on the subject, particularly after the recession of 2008–2009, highlight a number of developments in the way advanced and emerging economies think of the impossible trinity that, in a context of deepening financial integration, casts doubt on the IT paradigm, places the dilemma between nominal and real stability back on the forefront, and postulates an IT 2.0, which includes selective exchange rate interventions as a workable compromise. At any rate, the exchange rate debate is still alive and open.","PeriodicalId":211658,"journal":{"name":"Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Economics and Finance","volume":"85 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2019-05-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"6","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Economics and Finance","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ACREFORE/9780190625979.013.356","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 6

Abstract

While traditional economic literature often sees nominal variables as irrelevant for the real economy, there is a vast body of analytical and empirical economic work that recognizes that, to the extent they exert a critical influence on the macroeconomic environment through a multiplicity of channels, exchange rate policies (ERP) have important consequences for development. ERP influences economic development in various ways: through its incidence on real variables such as investment and growth (and growth volatility) and on nominal aspects such relative prices or financial depth that, in turn, affect output growth or income distribution, among other development goals. Additionally, ERP, through the expected distribution of the real exchange rate indirectly, influences dimensions such as trade or financial fragility and explains, at least partially, the adoption of the euro—an extreme case of a fixed exchange rate arrangement—or the preference for floating exchange rates in the absence of financial dollarization. Importantly, exchange rate pegs have been (and, in many countries, still are) widely used as a nominal anchor to contain inflation in economies where nominal volatility induces agents to use the exchange rate as an implicit unit of account. All of these channels have been reflected to varying degrees in the choice of exchange rate regimes in recent history. The empirical literature on the consequences of ERP has been plagued by definitional and measurement problems. Whereas few economists would contest the textbook definition of canonical exchange rate regimes (fixed regimes involve a commitment to keep the nominal exchange rate at a given level; floating regimes imply no market intervention by the monetary authorities), reality is more nuanced: Pure floats are hard to find, and the empirical distinction between alternative flexible regimes is not always clear. Moreover, there are many different degrees of exchange rate commitments as well as many alternative anchors, sometimes undisclosed. Finally, it is not unusual that a country that officially declares to peg its currency realigns its parity if it finds the constraints on monetary policy or economic activity too taxing. By the same token, a country that commits to a float may choose to intervene in the foreign exchange market to dampen exchange rate fluctuations. The regime of choice depends critically on the situation of each country at a given point in time as much as on the evolution of the global environment. Because both the ERP debate and real-life choices incorporate national and time-specific aspects that tend to evolve over time, so does the changing focus of the debate. In the post-World War II years, under the Bretton Woods agreement, most countries pegged their currencies to the U.S. dollar, which in turn was kept convertible to gold. In the post-Bretton Woods years, after August 1971 when the United States abandoned unilaterally the convertibility of the dollar, thus bringing the Bretton Woods system to an end, the individual choices of ERP were intimately related to the global and local historical contexts, according to whether policy prioritized the use of the exchange rate as a nominal anchor (in favor of pegged or superfixed exchange rates, with dollarization or the launch of the euro as two extreme examples), as a tool to enhance price competitiveness (as in export-oriented developing countries like China in the 2000s) or as a countercyclical buffer (in favor of floating regimes with limited intervention, the prevalent view in the developed world). Similarly, the declining degree of financial dollarization, combined with the improved quality of monetary institutions, explain the growing popularity of inflation targeting with floating exchange rates in emerging economies. Finally, a prudential leaning-against-the-wind intervention to counter mean reverting global financial cycles and exchange rate swings motivates a more active—and increasingly mainstream—ERP in the late 2000s. The fact that most medium and large developing economies (and virtually all industrial ones) revealed in the 2000s a preference for exchange rate flexibility simply reflects this evolution. Is the combination of inflation targeting (IT) and countercyclical exchange rate intervention a new paradigm? It is still too early to judge. On the one hand, pegs still represent more than half of the IMF reporting countries—particularly, small ones—indicating that exchange rate anchors are still favored by small open economies that give priority to the trade dividend of stable exchange rates and find the conduct of an autonomous monetary policy too costly, due to lack of human capital, scale, or an important non-tradable sector. On the other hand, the work and the empirical evidence on the subject, particularly after the recession of 2008–2009, highlight a number of developments in the way advanced and emerging economies think of the impossible trinity that, in a context of deepening financial integration, casts doubt on the IT paradigm, places the dilemma between nominal and real stability back on the forefront, and postulates an IT 2.0, which includes selective exchange rate interventions as a workable compromise. At any rate, the exchange rate debate is still alive and open.
汇率政策与经济发展
虽然传统的经济文献通常认为名义变量与实体经济无关,但有大量的分析和实证经济工作认识到,汇率政策通过多种渠道对宏观经济环境产生关键影响,因此汇率政策对发展具有重要影响。ERP以各种方式影响经济发展:通过其对诸如投资和增长(以及增长波动性)等实际变量的影响,以及对诸如相对价格或金融深度等名义方面的影响,从而影响产出增长或收入分配以及其他发展目标。此外,ERP通过实际汇率的预期分布间接影响贸易或金融脆弱性等维度,并至少部分解释了欧元的采用(固定汇率安排的极端情况)或在缺乏金融美元化的情况下对浮动汇率的偏好。重要的是,在那些名义波动诱使代理人将汇率作为隐性记账单位的经济体中,汇率挂钩一直(在许多国家仍然如此)被广泛用作遏制通胀的名义锚。所有这些渠道都不同程度地反映在近期汇率制度的选择中。关于ERP后果的实证文献一直受到定义和测量问题的困扰。然而,很少有经济学家会质疑典型汇率制度的教科书定义(固定汇率制度涉及承诺将名义汇率保持在给定水平;浮动汇率制度意味着货币当局不会干预市场),但现实情况更为微妙:纯粹的浮动汇率很难找到,而不同的灵活汇率制度之间的经验区别并不总是很清楚。此外,有许多不同程度的汇率承诺以及许多替代锚点,有时未披露。最后,如果一个国家发现对货币政策或经济活动的限制过于繁重,那么正式宣布实行盯住汇率的国家就会重新调整其汇率,这并不罕见。同样,承诺实行浮动汇率制的国家也可能选择干预外汇市场,以抑制汇率波动。选择制度主要取决于每个国家在某一特定时间点的情况,也取决于全球环境的演变。因为ERP辩论和现实生活中的选择都包含了国家和特定时间的方面,这些方面往往会随着时间的推移而发展,辩论的焦点也在不断变化。在第二次世界大战后的几年里,根据布雷顿森林协议,大多数国家将其货币与美元挂钩,而美元反过来又可以兑换成黄金。在后布雷顿森林体系时代,1971年8月美国单方面放弃美元的可兑换性,从而终结了布雷顿森林体系。在此之后,根据政策是否优先使用汇率作为名义锚点(支持挂钩或超固定汇率,美元化或推出欧元是两个极端例子),个人对ERP的选择与全球和当地历史背景密切相关。作为提高价格竞争力的工具(如本世纪头十年中国等出口导向型发展中国家),或作为逆周期缓冲(支持有限干预的浮动制度,这是发达国家的普遍观点)。同样,金融美元化程度的下降,加上货币机构质量的提高,解释了浮动汇率的通货膨胀目标制在新兴经济体日益流行的原因。最后,为应对全球金融周期均值逆转和汇率波动而采取的审慎逆风干预,将在本世纪头十年后期激发一种更为积极、且日益主流化的erp。大多数大中型发展中经济体(以及几乎所有工业经济体)在本世纪头十年表现出对汇率灵活性的偏好,这一事实只是反映了这种演变。通胀目标制(IT)与逆周期汇率干预的结合是一种新范式吗?现在下结论还为时过早。一方面,超过一半的IMF报告国(尤其是小国)仍然采用钉住汇率,这表明汇率锚仍然受到小型开放经济体的青睐,这些经济体优先考虑稳定汇率带来的贸易红利,由于缺乏人力资本、规模或重要的非贸易部门,它们认为自主货币政策的实施成本过高。 另一方面,关于这一主题的工作和实证证据,特别是在2008-2009年的经济衰退之后,突出了发达经济体和新兴经济体对不可能的三位一体的看法的一些发展,在金融一体化深化的背景下,对IT范式提出了质疑,将名义稳定和实际稳定之间的困境重新置于首要位置,并假设了IT 2.0,其中包括选择性汇率干预作为可行的妥协。无论如何,关于汇率的辩论仍然存在,而且是公开的。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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