Examining the Evidence for Phonemic Affricates: Middle English /t͡ʃ/, /d͡ʒ/ or [t-ʃ], [d-ʒ]?

Abstract

Affricates represent an analytic challenge, as a category intermediate between simple stops and a sequence of a stop and a fricative. The paper traces the historical evidence for the development of OE [c], a single segment, to palatal [cj], assibilated [tʃ], the sequence [tʃ], and back to a single segment contour /t͡ʃ/, building on diagnostics like the blocking property of medial clusters versus singletons in resolution in OE verse, alliteration, metrical treatment in terms of syllable weight, data from language acquisition, phonetics in terms of durational properties, the interaction with Middle English sound changes, as well as the early neutralization of the singleton-geminate contrast. Further support comes from spelling, including a possible Celtic origin for OE , and spellings in LAEME as evidence supporting Orthographic Remapping of Palatal c. Finally, the author considers the impact of Old French loanwords, where the simplification of affricates in Anglo-Norman is argued to be delayed compared to Central French due to the existence of the sequences [tʃ] and [dʒ] in Middle English.