Politics, and Time: The Overcoming of the Past

T. Strong
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Abstract

Foundings have, since the earliest days of political thought, occupied a central and problematic position. They claim a new beginning, a new constellation, and present themselves as ifbroken from and separate from the past. Yet what happens to that past? All humans live in a world with its own past (or pasts) and asserting one's separation from the past willlikely do no more than to reaffirm it. Machiavelli was weIl aware of the difficulty, to the point of noting that were a prince to take over a city in which the memory of the past is strong (he names republics) the most advisable procedure will be to kill off all of those with authority to speak for the past, failing which the memory of that past will surely defeat his every effort. (I shall want to return to the question of violence at the end). Hobbes hoped that clarity of speech and method should constitute a reality not subject to the distortions consequent to the difficulties humans had of knowing what they actually wanted, distortions consequent to what they had been. Rousseau developed a theory of sovereignty that existed legitimately only in its own present and presence, and hence had no temporal dimension. 1 The past is clearly a political matter, calling on occasion for the most ruthless and revolutionary measures. How to deal with the past? For Marx, the past "lay like a nightmare on the brain of the living." For ]ames ]oyce's Stephen Daedalus, the past "was a nightmare" from which he was trying to awake. For Freud, the culmulated weight ofchildhood experiences distorted present agency into neurotic behavior. ] oyce tries to make that past avaHable in the odyssey ofLeopold Bloom and in Molly's ecstatic affirmation. Marx theorized revolution, which he saw as necessarily sundering the integument that held the new world in the ashes of the old. For Freud, the point of psychoanalysis is to re-form the past, so as to keep it from distorting the present.The sense that what drives humans is what they have been, that they have been driven willy-nilly into behavior that they neither intend nor want, is a major concern of philosophical thought after the French Revolution. Indeed, the
政治与时间:对过去的克服
从政治思想的早期开始,立国论就占据了中心和有问题的位置。他们要求一个新的开始,一个新的星座,并表现得好像与过去决裂和分离。然而,过去发生了什么?所有人都生活在一个有自己过去(或过去)的世界里,断言自己与过去的分离可能只会重申这一点。马基雅维利很清楚这个困难,他指出,如果一个君主接管了一个对过去记忆强烈的城市(他列举了一些共和国),最明智的做法将是杀死所有有权为过去说话的人,如果做不到这一点,对过去的记忆肯定会挫败他的一切努力。(我想在最后再回到暴力的问题上来)。霍布斯希望清晰的演讲和方法应该构成一种现实,不受人类知道自己真正想要什么的困难所导致的扭曲,不受他们过去的扭曲的影响。卢梭发展了一种主权理论,这种理论只合法地存在于它自己的当下和存在中,因此没有时间维度。过去显然是一个政治问题,有时需要采取最无情和最革命的措施。如何面对过去?对马克思来说,过去“就像活人脑子里的噩梦”。对于埃姆斯·乔伊斯的斯蒂芬·代达罗斯来说,过去是他试图从中醒来的“一场噩梦”。对弗洛伊德来说,童年经历的累积将现在的代理扭曲成神经质的行为。乔伊斯试图在利奥波德·布鲁姆的奥德赛和莫莉欣喜若狂的肯定中,让那段过去成为可能。马克思将革命理论化,他认为革命必然会在旧世界的灰烬中打碎维系新世界的外壳。对弗洛伊德来说,精神分析的意义在于重塑过去,以防止它扭曲现在。驱使人类的是他们过去的样子,无论他们是否愿意,都被驱使做出他们既不想也不想要的行为,这是法国大革命后哲学思想的主要关注点。事实上,
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