{"title":"The Control of Advice to the Crown and the Development of Executive Independence in New Zealand","authors":"N. Cox","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.420743","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"In the absence of a widespread political and legal consensus about the sources of legislative authority, the traditional Diceyan view of parliamentary sovereignty perhaps fails to adequately explain the political reality of New Zealand's undoubted political independence. A better explanation may be that the Crown, rather than Parliament, and in conjunction with the Treaty of Waitangi, is the source of an autochthonous constitutional order. This is grounded in symbolism and administrative practice, rather than technical rules of sovereignty or authority. Indeed, it was the flexible application of common law principles concerned with the prerogatives of the Crown, and the operation of constitutional conventions relating to responsible government, rather than the establishment of legislatures per se, that led to the development of independent states from colonies. Practical executive or political independence came before formal legislative and judicial independence. This general observation is as true for New Zealand as it is for the other 'old Dominions'. Legal changes tended to follow political changes, and this is seen especially in the considerable distortion which arose between the powers conferred upon the Governor-General by the letters patent constituting the office, and the powers actually exercised. Imperial constitutional law was developed not in the courts so much as in the opinions of the law officers of the Crown. It was the practice that evolved out of these opinions which eventually influenced the courts. They followed, but did not invent, doctrines such as that of colonial legislative territoriality. As a consequence of this process, constitutional writers tended to become distracted by abstract concepts such as the unity of the Crown. This was responsible for what Zines called 'decades of distorted reasoning, intellectual gymnastics and a blindness to reality'.","PeriodicalId":165934,"journal":{"name":"The Bond Law Review","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2003-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"6","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"The Bond Law Review","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.420743","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 6
Abstract
In the absence of a widespread political and legal consensus about the sources of legislative authority, the traditional Diceyan view of parliamentary sovereignty perhaps fails to adequately explain the political reality of New Zealand's undoubted political independence. A better explanation may be that the Crown, rather than Parliament, and in conjunction with the Treaty of Waitangi, is the source of an autochthonous constitutional order. This is grounded in symbolism and administrative practice, rather than technical rules of sovereignty or authority. Indeed, it was the flexible application of common law principles concerned with the prerogatives of the Crown, and the operation of constitutional conventions relating to responsible government, rather than the establishment of legislatures per se, that led to the development of independent states from colonies. Practical executive or political independence came before formal legislative and judicial independence. This general observation is as true for New Zealand as it is for the other 'old Dominions'. Legal changes tended to follow political changes, and this is seen especially in the considerable distortion which arose between the powers conferred upon the Governor-General by the letters patent constituting the office, and the powers actually exercised. Imperial constitutional law was developed not in the courts so much as in the opinions of the law officers of the Crown. It was the practice that evolved out of these opinions which eventually influenced the courts. They followed, but did not invent, doctrines such as that of colonial legislative territoriality. As a consequence of this process, constitutional writers tended to become distracted by abstract concepts such as the unity of the Crown. This was responsible for what Zines called 'decades of distorted reasoning, intellectual gymnastics and a blindness to reality'.
由于对立法权力的来源缺乏广泛的政治和法律共识,传统的迪塞式议会主权观可能无法充分解释新西兰毫无疑问的政治独立的政治现实。一个更好的解释可能是,与《怀唐伊条约》(Treaty of Waitangi)一起,是本土宪法秩序的来源,而不是议会。这是基于象征主义和行政实践,而不是主权或权威的技术规则。事实上,正是灵活地适用与国王特权有关的普通法原则,以及实施与负责任政府有关的宪法公约,而不是建立立法机构本身,导致了从殖民地发展成独立国家。实际的行政或政治独立先于正式的立法和司法独立。这个普遍的观察结果对新西兰和其他“旧自治领”一样适用。法律的变化往往伴随着政治的变化,这一点尤其体现在构成总督职位的专利函赋予总督的权力与实际行使的权力之间产生的相当大的扭曲中。帝国宪法与其说是在法庭上制定的,不如说是在王室法律官员的意见中制定的。正是这些观点演变而来的实践最终影响了法院。他们遵循,但没有发明,诸如殖民地立法领土的学说。这一过程的结果是,立宪者倾向于被一些抽象的概念分散注意力,比如王权统一。这就是Zines所说的“几十年来扭曲的推理、智力体操和对现实的盲目”的原因。