The Historic Centre in Spanish Industrial and Post-Industrial Cities

Jesús M. González Pérez, R. Gonzalez
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

The congestion of the city area within the walls along the 19th century and the economic and social crisis of historic centres during most of the 20th century led to their deterioration. The theoretical conceptualization and practical implementation of domestic improvement and reform programmes have changed with time. With the beginning of the new century, urban dynamics in a globalized space are making historic places into real scenes for economic exploitation related to massive and residential tourism with a cultural brand design, as well as to property for well-to-do population. As a consequence, the social component took a secondary place in town planning theory. In this context, our essay is aimed at studying the response of town planning to the recovery of a historic city fully sharing the dynamics of a postmodernist and global metropolis. In the last few decades, the structure and morphology of the Spanish city have undergone dramatic changes. Spatial processes from the Anglo-Saxon world have an influence on the building of the contemporary Spanish city. In the global information society, film images of shopping malls, crowds in edge cities or theme parks are the best publicity for the building of these new urban landscapes (1), which are a reality in almost every city. The dense city developed until the 70's was followed by a dispersed city built with new elements from counterurbanization and suburbanization. The city organized around its heritage and the centrality of the pre-industrial city were followed by a new kind of city promoted by means of large heritage containers which -in too many ocasions- can even hide the importance and quality of the old town. In such a situation we wonder if a resident of Bilbao can feel more identified with the whole postmodern landscape built around the Guggenhaim Museum than with the Casco Viejo (historic core of the city) or the interesting 19th- century Ensanche de Poblacion (urban extension). Or if someone from Valencia boasts more about Santiago Calatrava's architecture (City of Arts and Sciences) than about the architecture in the Ciutat Vella (old town) and its extensive monumental heritage. It is not easy to answer these questions with certainty. In a way it could be so, but we must not forget that new architecture sectors are no more than leisure and shopping areas, mostly located in the outskirts - not in the case of Bilbao-, usually without a district structure and therefore places where no social relations exist. This is precisely a kind of relation easy to find in the dense and central city of the pre-industrial period (historic centre) and the first pre-industrialization (urban extension). In these conditions, the present historic city took on the principles of urban and intraurban competition in terms of tourism, leisure, business, population, cultural events, etc. The analysis of the 21st-century historic city is dealt with from a double point of view. Firstly, the analysis of the physical, social and landscape consequences of comprehensive town planning and restoration along the last three decades. In order to do this, a comparison is made on the evolution of intervention policies in historic centres, from the 19th-century renovation actions up to the all- embracing restoration carried out since the 80's. Secondly, the analysis of the resulting processes will help us understand some of the most important socio-territorial dynamics developing in the historic centre as a product of the present city. Specifically, the place of spatial organization in the current city, as competition or complement to the new urban areas resulting from suburbanization processes.
西班牙工业和后工业城市的历史中心
19世纪,城墙内城市区域的拥挤,以及20世纪大部分时间里历史中心的经济和社会危机,导致了城墙的恶化。国内改善和改革方案的理论构想和实际执行随着时间的推移而改变。随着新世纪的到来,全球化空间中的城市动态正在将历史遗迹变成现实场景,与文化品牌设计的大规模住宅旅游相关的经济开发,以及富裕人群的财产。因此,社会因素在城镇规划理论中处于次要地位。在这种背景下,我们的文章旨在研究城市规划对一个历史城市的恢复的反应,充分分享后现代主义和全球大都市的动态。在过去的几十年里,西班牙城市的结构和形态发生了巨大的变化。盎格鲁-撒克逊世界的空间过程对当代西班牙城市的建设产生了影响。在全球信息社会中,购物中心、边缘城市人群或主题公园的电影图像是这些新型城市景观建设的最佳宣传(1),这在几乎每个城市都是现实。密集的城市发展到70年代,随后是一个分散的城市,其中包含了反城市化和郊区化的新元素。城市围绕其遗产和前工业城市的中心地位组织起来,随后是一种新型的城市,通过大型遗产容器来促进城市的发展,在很多情况下,这些容器甚至可以掩盖老城区的重要性和质量。在这种情况下,我们想知道毕尔巴鄂的居民是否更认同古根海姆博物馆周围的整个后现代景观,而不是Casco Viejo(城市的历史核心)或有趣的19世纪Ensanche de Poblacion(城市延伸)。或者,如果一个来自瓦伦西亚的人更喜欢圣地亚哥卡拉特拉瓦的建筑(艺术和科学城),而不是Ciutat Vella(老城区)的建筑及其广泛的纪念性遗产。要肯定地回答这些问题并不容易。在某种程度上,它可能是这样的,但我们不能忘记,新的建筑部门只不过是休闲和购物区,大部分位于郊区-不是在毕尔巴鄂-通常没有区域结构,因此没有社会关系存在的地方。这正是在前工业化时期的密集中心城市(历史中心)和第一次前工业化时期(城市延伸)中容易找到的一种关系。在这种条件下,现在的历史城市在旅游、休闲、商业、人口、文化活动等方面采取了城市和城市内部竞争的原则。对21世纪历史名城的分析是从双重角度进行的。首先,分析了近三十年来综合城镇规划和修复对自然、社会和景观的影响。为了做到这一点,对历史中心的干预政策的演变进行了比较,从19世纪的修复行动到80年代以来进行的全面修复。其次,对由此产生的过程的分析将有助于我们理解历史中心作为当前城市的产物而发展的一些最重要的社会领土动态。具体来说,是指当前城市的空间组织位置,作为郊区化过程中产生的新城区的竞争或补充。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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