Regulating Diversity: The Effect of Retransmission Consent on the Consolidation of the Television Industry

Mara Einstein
{"title":"Regulating Diversity: The Effect of Retransmission Consent on the Consolidation of the Television Industry","authors":"Mara Einstein","doi":"10.1080/08997225.2009.10556348","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Diversity has been a guiding principle for communications policymakers since the Communications Act of 1934. However, neither the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) nor the Congress has ever defined the term as it relates to program content diversity. In part this is due to the FCC being limited in its ability to regulate content diversity due to the First Amendment. Rather, regulators look at structural diversity – source diversity and outlet diversity – as a proxy for content diversity (Kleiman, 1991, Le Duc, 1982). This indirect means of regulating content has been ineffective in improving diversity (Einstein, 2004, Biebly & Biebly, 2003). Yet, this means of regulation continues while there is no proof of a causal relationship between structure and content (Napoli, 1999). Even so, defining diversity becomes academic in an environment that depends primarily on advertising dollars for support. As Owen, Beebe, and Manning (1974) have said “competition under advertiser support tends to produce less diversity and more ‘wasteful duplication’ than is socially optimal.” This economic condition drives a sense of competition among program providers, thus serving their shareholders rather than the general public. Yet this does not have to be so. From a diversity perspective, “what would be in the public interest is presentation of all the programs that could command payments in excess of their costs of production and distribution” (Cass, 1981, p. 61), which one would expect would achieve optimization of diversity. This means, therefore, that programs do not have to generate a huge audience, just one that will sustain it. In the current media environment, however, it is becoming harder and harder for anyone other than the largest media institutions to cover their cost of business due to vertical integration. These large institutions make it impossible for small companies to compete because they would have to enter the business as a multi-level organization (Litman, 1998, see also Owen & Wildman, 1992, and Vogel, 2001). A number of media scholars have decried the limitations of marketplace (source) diversity brought about by this vertical integration (Bagdikian, 1992; McChesney, 1997; Miller, 1996), and it is structural regulation that is bringing this to pass. The most recent regulation to contribute to the consolidation of the television industry is retransmission consent. Originally created to provide an equitable marketplace between broadcasting and cable by creating parity in revenue streams (and thus maintaining source diversity), instead it has led to increased consolidation among broadcast and cable program providers. This study is a historical analysis of the rules and their impact on consolidation within the television industry.","PeriodicalId":439135,"journal":{"name":"Free Speech Yearbook","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2009-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Free Speech Yearbook","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08997225.2009.10556348","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1

Abstract

Diversity has been a guiding principle for communications policymakers since the Communications Act of 1934. However, neither the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) nor the Congress has ever defined the term as it relates to program content diversity. In part this is due to the FCC being limited in its ability to regulate content diversity due to the First Amendment. Rather, regulators look at structural diversity – source diversity and outlet diversity – as a proxy for content diversity (Kleiman, 1991, Le Duc, 1982). This indirect means of regulating content has been ineffective in improving diversity (Einstein, 2004, Biebly & Biebly, 2003). Yet, this means of regulation continues while there is no proof of a causal relationship between structure and content (Napoli, 1999). Even so, defining diversity becomes academic in an environment that depends primarily on advertising dollars for support. As Owen, Beebe, and Manning (1974) have said “competition under advertiser support tends to produce less diversity and more ‘wasteful duplication’ than is socially optimal.” This economic condition drives a sense of competition among program providers, thus serving their shareholders rather than the general public. Yet this does not have to be so. From a diversity perspective, “what would be in the public interest is presentation of all the programs that could command payments in excess of their costs of production and distribution” (Cass, 1981, p. 61), which one would expect would achieve optimization of diversity. This means, therefore, that programs do not have to generate a huge audience, just one that will sustain it. In the current media environment, however, it is becoming harder and harder for anyone other than the largest media institutions to cover their cost of business due to vertical integration. These large institutions make it impossible for small companies to compete because they would have to enter the business as a multi-level organization (Litman, 1998, see also Owen & Wildman, 1992, and Vogel, 2001). A number of media scholars have decried the limitations of marketplace (source) diversity brought about by this vertical integration (Bagdikian, 1992; McChesney, 1997; Miller, 1996), and it is structural regulation that is bringing this to pass. The most recent regulation to contribute to the consolidation of the television industry is retransmission consent. Originally created to provide an equitable marketplace between broadcasting and cable by creating parity in revenue streams (and thus maintaining source diversity), instead it has led to increased consolidation among broadcast and cable program providers. This study is a historical analysis of the rules and their impact on consolidation within the television industry.
调节多样性:转播同意对电视行业整合的影响
自1934年《通信法案》以来,多样性一直是通信政策制定者的指导原则。然而,无论是联邦通信委员会(FCC)还是国会都没有对节目内容多样性这一术语进行过定义。在某种程度上,这是由于第一修正案限制了联邦通信委员会管理内容多样性的能力。相反,监管机构将结构多样性——来源多样性和出口多样性——视为内容多样性的代表(Kleiman, 1991; Le Duc, 1982)。这种调节内容的间接手段在改善多样性方面是无效的(Einstein, 2004; Biebly & Biebly, 2003)。然而,在没有证据证明结构和内容之间存在因果关系的情况下,这种监管手段仍在继续(Napoli, 1999)。即便如此,在一个主要依靠广告资金支持的环境中,定义多样性变得学术化了。正如Owen, Beebe和Manning(1974)所说:“在广告商支持下的竞争往往会产生更少的多样性和更多的‘浪费的重复’,而不是社会最优的。”这种经济状况导致了节目提供者之间的竞争意识,从而服务于他们的股东而不是普通公众。然而,这并非必须如此。从多样性的角度来看,“符合公共利益的是展示所有可能要求支付超过其生产和分配成本的计划”(Cass, 1981, p. 61),人们会期望这将实现多样性的优化。因此,这意味着节目不需要吸引大量的观众,只需要一个能够维持它的观众。然而,在当前的媒体环境中,除了最大的媒体机构之外,任何人都越来越难以支付由于垂直整合而产生的业务成本。这些大型机构使得小公司无法竞争,因为它们必须作为一个多层次的组织进入这个行业(Litman, 1998,参见Owen & Wildman, 1992, and Vogel, 2001)。一些媒体学者谴责这种垂直整合所带来的市场(来源)多样性的局限性(Bagdikian, 1992;McChesney, 1997;Miller, 1996),正是结构性监管使这一切得以实现。有助于电视行业整合的最新法规是转播许可。它最初是为了在广播和有线电视之间提供一个公平的市场,通过创造收入流的均等(从而保持来源的多样性),相反,它导致了广播和有线电视节目提供商之间的加强整合。本研究是对这些规则及其对电视行业整合影响的历史分析。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
求助全文
约1分钟内获得全文 求助全文
来源期刊
自引率
0.00%
发文量
0
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
确定
请完成安全验证×
copy
已复制链接
快去分享给好友吧!
我知道了
右上角分享
点击右上角分享
0
联系我们:info@booksci.cn Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。 Copyright © 2023 布克学术 All rights reserved.
京ICP备2023020795号-1
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:604180095
Book学术官方微信
小红书