Introduction to China’s Arctic Engagement

Sanna Kopra, Timo Koivurova
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Abstract

Although the People’s Republic of China (hereafter China) lacks territory and waters above the Arctic Circle (ca. 66°33′ N), it has become an increasingly influential actor in Arctic affairs during the past decade. In 2007, China started to take part in the work of the Arctic Council, the key intergovernmental forum in the region, and in 2013, its observer application was accepted. In June 2017, the Polar Silk Road (a series of planned Arctic shipping routes) was officially added to President Xi Jinping’s flagship project, the Belt and Road Initiative (bri). In January 2018, the Chinese government published its long-awaited first Arctic strategy. According to the strategy, China is a “near-Arctic state” that respects the sovereign rights of the eight Arctic states (Canada, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Russia, Sweden, and the United States) but has legitimate rights in the region as well. Furthermore, Chinese scholars conduct polar research onboard icebreaker research vessels MV Xuelong and MV Xuelong 2 – the latter, delivered in 2019, being the first domestically-built icebreaker in China – and Chinese corporations have become partners in various economic projects in the Arctic, especially in Russia’s Siberia, where massive projects of liquefied natural gas take place. The development of infrastructure along the Polar Silk Road is also of interest to Chinese investors. Lastly, China’s policies indirectly influence the future of the Arctic, given the state’s status as an emerging great power and the biggest carbon dioxide emitter in the world. Without a doubt, both factors are important: first, the Arctic is not untouched by international economic and geopolitical fluctuations, and second, climate change proceeds faster in polar regions than elsewhere on the globe. Due to China’s autocratic governance system and the poor track record of Chinese companies in other parts of the world, among other issues, China’s growing footprint in the Arctic region has caused concerns and speculations amongst the regional actors. Although Beijing has stressed that it has no military intentions in the Arctic, the country’s growing maritime power and its rising presence in other oceans, including the Indian and Pacific, has led some scholars to question the motives of Chinese engagement in the region. Accordingly, they view China’s increasing involvement in the Arctic in unfavorable and hostile terms, and they interpret Chinese actions in the region predominantly in security and military terms. Critics have pointed to the potential for
介绍中国的北极事务
尽管中华人民共和国(以下简称中国)在北极圈(约66°33′N)以上没有领土和水域,但在过去十年中,它已成为北极事务中越来越有影响力的行动者。2007年,中国开始参与北极地区重要政府间论坛——北极理事会的工作,并于2013年接受其观察员申请。2018年1月,中国政府发布了期待已久的首份北极战略。根据该战略,中国是一个“近北极国家”,尊重八个北极国家(加拿大、丹麦、芬兰、冰岛、挪威、俄罗斯、瑞典和美国)的主权权利,但在该地区也拥有合法权利。此外,中国学者在破冰船“雪龙”号和“雪龙2号”上进行极地研究,“雪龙2号”于2019年交付,是中国第一艘国产破冰船。中国企业已成为北极地区各种经济项目的合作伙伴,特别是在俄罗斯西伯利亚,那里有大规模的液化天然气项目。“冰上丝绸之路”沿线的基础设施建设也引起了中国投资者的兴趣。最后,考虑到中国作为一个新兴大国和世界上最大的二氧化碳排放国的地位,中国的政策间接影响着北极的未来。毫无疑问,这两个因素都很重要:第一,北极不会不受国际经济和地缘政治波动的影响;第二,极地地区的气候变化速度比全球其他地区更快。由于中国的专制治理体系和中国公司在世界其他地区的不良记录,以及其他问题,中国在北极地区日益增长的足迹引起了该地区参与者的担忧和猜测。尽管北京方面强调,它在北极没有军事意图,但中国日益增长的海上力量,以及它在印度洋和太平洋等其他海洋日益增强的存在,已导致一些学者质疑中国参与该地区事务的动机。因此,他们认为中国越来越多地参与北极是不利和敌对的,他们主要从安全和军事角度来解释中国在该地区的行动。批评人士指出了潜在的
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