Modern Uzbekistan

A. Khalid
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Abstract

Uzbekistan was created in 1924 as a result of the so-called national-territorial delimitation of Soviet Central Asia. Although created in the context of the implementation of the Soviet policy of granting territorial autonomy to different nationalities in the Soviet multinational state, Uzbekistan was in many ways the embodiment of a national idea of the Central Asian intelligentsia. For the first sixty-seven years of its existence, Uzbekistan was part of the Soviet Union. It experienced the massive transformations unleashed by the Soviet regime in the realms of politics, society, and culture (the establishment of a command economy, collectivization, an assault on Islam, forced unveiling) that reshaped society in significant ways. Purges in the 1930s removed from the scene all actors with any experience of public life before the consolidation of Soviet power and installed new political and cultural elites in their place. The Second World War was in many ways a watershed. Participation in the war integrated Uzbekistan and its citizens into the Soviet Union. The postwar period saw increased investment in the republic and the achievement of mass education and universal literacy. The postwar era also saw the consolidation of Uzbek political elites at the helm of the republic as well as the crystallization of an Uzbek national identity, the work of the Uzbek Soviet intelligentsia. Yet, Uzbekistan’s primary duty to the Soviet economy remained that of producing as much cotton as possible. Production quotas kept on increasing (by the early 1980s, the hope was to produce 6 million tons of raw cotton annually) and the cotton monoculture meant that the Uzbek population remained primarily rural and socially conservative. A complex gender regime emerged in which women had legal equality, access to education, and high rates of participation in the labor market, but were also the guardians of national tradition. The later Soviet period also witnessed high rates of population growth that doubled the ethnic Uzbek population between 1959 and 1979. By the early 1980s, the high costs of the cotton monoculture were becoming obvious. An anti-corruption campaign directed from Moscow antagonized both the Uzbek party elite and the general population, just as Mikhail Gorbachev began the series of reforms that led to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. In this turbulent period, the Uzbek party elite refashioned itself as the champion of the Uzbek nation and emerged in control of the state as Uzbekistan became independent. The independent Uzbek state has sought its legitimacy by its claim to serve the interests of the Uzbek nation. It works on the basis of an Uzbek national identity that had predated the Soviet Union but had crystallized during it. Now, after independence, that identity can be articulated without the constraints placed on national expression during the Soviet period. There remain significant continuities with the Soviet period in terms of basic assumptions about politics and society, and they are the most clearly visible in the state’s fraught relationship with Islam.
现代乌兹别克斯坦
乌兹别克斯坦成立于1924年,是苏联划定中亚国家领土的结果。虽然乌兹别克斯坦是在实施苏联多民族国家给予不同民族领土自治权的政策背景下创建的,但乌兹别克斯坦在许多方面都体现了中亚知识分子的民族思想。乌兹别克斯坦建国后的头67年是苏联的一部分。它经历了苏联政权在政治、社会和文化领域释放的巨大变革(建立指令性经济、集体化、对伊斯兰教的攻击、强制揭幕),这些变革在很大程度上重塑了社会。在苏联政权巩固之前,1930年代的大清洗把所有有过公共生活经历的演员都赶出了舞台,取而代之的是新的政治和文化精英。第二次世界大战在很多方面都是一个分水岭。参与战争使乌兹别克斯坦及其公民融入了苏联。战后时期,对共和国的投资增加,大众教育和全民扫盲取得了成就。战后时期也见证了乌兹别克政治精英在共和国掌舵下的巩固,以及乌兹别克民族认同的结晶,这是乌兹别克苏维埃知识分子的工作。然而,乌兹别克斯坦对苏联经济的主要职责仍然是尽可能多地生产棉花。生产配额不断增加(到1980年代初,希望每年生产600万吨原棉),棉花单一种植意味着乌兹别克斯坦人口主要是农村和社会保守。一种复杂的性别制度出现了,在这种制度下,妇女享有法律上的平等、受教育的机会和劳动力市场的高参与率,但同时也是民族传统的守护者。苏联后期的人口增长率也很高,1959年至1979年间乌兹别克族人口翻了一番。到20世纪80年代初,单一种植棉花的高成本变得越来越明显。一场来自莫斯科的反腐运动引起了乌兹别克党内精英和普通民众的反感,就像米哈伊尔•戈尔巴乔夫(Mikhail Gorbachev)开始的一系列改革导致1991年苏联解体一样。在这个动荡的时期,乌兹别克党的精英们将自己重塑为乌兹别克民族的捍卫者,并在乌兹别克斯坦独立时控制了国家。独立的乌兹别克国家通过宣称为乌兹别克民族的利益服务来寻求其合法性。它建立在乌兹别克民族认同的基础上,这种认同在苏联之前就存在了,但在苏联时期已经具体化。现在,在独立之后,这种身份可以在没有苏联时期对民族表达的限制的情况下表达出来。就政治和社会的基本假设而言,俄罗斯与苏联时期仍有显著的延续性,这些延续性在俄罗斯与伊斯兰教令人担忧的关系中最为明显。
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