The Development of Political Legitimacy Among MPs and Citizens in Old and Young Democracies

Ursula Hoffmann-Lange
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

The contribution starts out from the question whether the political legitimacy of the Third Wave democracies has suffered in the wake of the Great Recession. The expectation of a damaging effect of an economic or political crisis on legitimacy is based on Lipset’s assumption that established democracies with a high degree of political legitimacy are better capable of coping with such crises than young democracies. The database includes two surveys of members of parliament conducted in 2007 and 2013 in Sweden, Germany and five Third Wave democracies located in different world regions (Chile, South Korea, Poland, South Africa and Turkey). Waves 5 and 6 of the World Values Survey that were conducted at about the same time were used for comparing the legitimacy beliefs among MPs and citizens. The data show that the scores for all indicators of political legitimacy are higher among MPs than among citizens and that the differences between the two groups of respondents are considerably larger in the five young democracies. Confidence in political parties is fairly low, especially among citizens, while the evaluation of the quality of democracy in the respondents’ country is much higher. Both evaluations have been rather stable over time. In the two established democracies, support for democracy among citizens is nearly as high as among MPs. In the five young democracies, the MP-citizen differential is larger and support for democracy in the population shows a steady increase only in Chile, while it has remained low in Poland and Turkey and even decreased in Korea and South Africa. This indicates that democracy has not taken deep roots in four of the five new democracies included in the study. In Korea and South Africa, the decline in support for democracy started already before the onset of the economic crisis and therefore cannot be attributed to the recession. This is confirmed by the lack of a statistical relationship between political legitimacy on one side and economic evaluations on the other side. A multiple regression analysis shows strong country-specific effects, while individual-level variables have only minor effects.
新旧民主政体中国会议员和公民政治合法性的发展
这一贡献始于一个问题,即第三波民主国家的政治合法性是否在大衰退(Great Recession)之后受到了影响。经济或政治危机对合法性产生破坏性影响的预期是基于利普塞特的假设,即具有高度政治合法性的老牌民主国家比年轻的民主国家更有能力应对此类危机。该数据库包括2007年和2013年在瑞典、德国和位于世界不同地区的五个第三波民主国家(智利、韩国、波兰、南非和土耳其)对国会议员进行的两次调查。大约在同一时间进行的世界价值观调查的第五和第六波是用来比较议员和公民对合法性的看法的。数据显示,国会议员在所有政治合法性指标上的得分都高于公民,而且在五个年轻的民主国家中,两组受访者之间的差异要大得多。对政党的信心相当低,尤其是在公民中,而对受访者所在国家民主质量的评价要高得多。随着时间的推移,这两种评价都相当稳定。在这两个老牌民主国家,公民对民主的支持几乎与国会议员一样高。在五个年轻的民主国家中,国会议员与公民之间的差距更大,只有智利的民众对民主的支持在稳步上升,而波兰和土耳其的支持率一直很低,韩国和南非甚至有所下降。这表明,在研究中包括的五个新兴民主国家中,有四个国家的民主尚未深入扎根。在韩国和南非,对民主的支持在经济危机爆发之前就已经开始下降,因此不能将其归咎于经济衰退。一方的政治合法性与另一方的经济评价之间缺乏统计关系,证实了这一点。多元回归分析显示,具体国家的影响很大,而个人水平变量的影响很小。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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