Afterword: Evidence over Interests

J. Gluck
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Abstract

After years of science education, teaching experience, and research practice, which focused on the use of non-human primates as potential models of human psychological disorders, a young student in my primate behavior class amiably, but insistently, suggested my preparation was incomplete. She asked me to read Peter Singer’s book Animal Liberation, which had been published two years earlier, in 1975. I had been lecturing in class about the effects of early experience on the rhesus monkey’s (Macaca mulatta) social and intellectual development, and my descriptions of the invasive research interventions and behavioral consequences encouraged her to make the book suggestion. I said I would try to find the time, but that I was busy. She handed me a fresh new copy of the book saying, “This is for you.” She made it clear that she was not loaning me her copy but wanted the book to be part of my professional library. Over the following weeks while describing this event to colleagues, many also involved in animal research, I asked them if they had read Professor Singer’s book. While some had heard of it, no one had actually read it. “Why should I do that?” was a common tone of the comments. After all, our experimental standards were quite clear and seemed self-evidently valid. That is, if any interesting and, therefore, valuable research question could not be tested in humans for ethical reasons, then it could be evaluated in animal models. Progress required risk, and progress was urgently needed. This powerful drive to know and understand nature, so as to improve the welfare of human beings, was what the bioethicist Paul Ramsey (1976) called, the research imperative, to emphasize its motivational dominance. In response to the student’s questioning looks as we saw one another in class, and out of respect for her serious intention, I did finally read Animal Liberation. The chapter titled, Tools for research or what the public doesn’t know it is paying for, quickly trapped my attention. Three of the assertions of the chapter were: (1) The raw descriptions of the experimental manipulations done to animals revealed a shocking emotional callousness on the part of investigators; (2) The extent of the harms, which the animals were required to absorb, seemed excessive in comparison with the many obvious or even trivial facts discovered; (3) It was estimated that after all the experimental effort and
后记:关于利益的证据
经过多年的科学教育、教学经验和研究实践,主要是利用非人类灵长类动物作为人类心理障碍的潜在模型,我的灵长类动物行为课上的一个年轻学生友好但坚持地说我的准备还不充分。她让我读彼得·辛格的《动物解放》一书,这本书在两年前的1975年出版。我一直在课堂上讲授早期经历对恒河猴(Macaca mulatta)的社会和智力发展的影响,我对侵入性研究干预和行为后果的描述鼓励她提出写书的建议。我说我会尽量抽出时间,但我很忙。她递给我一本新书,说:“这是给你的。”她明确表示,她不是把她的那本借给我,而是希望这本书成为我专业图书馆的一部分。在接下来的几个星期里,我向同事们(其中许多人也从事动物研究)描述了这一事件,我问他们是否读过辛格教授的书。虽然有些人听说过这本书,但没有人真正读过。“我为什么要那么做?”这是评论中常见的语调。毕竟,我们的实验标准是相当清楚的,似乎是不证自明的。也就是说,如果任何有趣的、因此有价值的研究问题由于伦理原因不能在人类身上进行测试,那么它可以在动物模型中进行评估。进步需要冒险,而进步是迫切需要的。这种认识和理解自然,从而提高人类福利的强大驱动力,被生物伦理学家保罗·拉姆齐(Paul Ramsey, 1976)称为“研究的必要性”,以强调其动机主导地位。当我们在课堂上见面时,为了回应学生质疑的表情,出于对她认真意图的尊重,我最终还是读了《动物解放》。标题为“研究工具或公众不知道自己在为什么付费”的章节很快吸引了我的注意力。这一章的三个结论是:(1)对动物实验操作的原始描述揭示了研究人员令人震惊的情感麻木;(2)与所发现的许多明显甚至微不足道的事实相比,要求动物吸收的危害程度似乎过大;(3)经过所有的实验努力,估计
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