Political populism and popular culture

A. Guzhva
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

The article provides a comparative analysis of the cultural practices of political populism and the popular culture. The leading role of the media in the formation and promotion of popular movements and leaders is emphasized. There is a difference in the understanding of a leader's charisma that brings new values, according to Max Weber, and the pseudo-charisma of modern populist leaders that is created by their regular presence in the media. Populist politician is seen as a sign in cultural communication, where the politician’s personality is put as the signifier, and the ideology that the politician promotes — as the signified. Based on this analysis, three ideal types of populists have been identified: a blank sign that is focused on the present and represents populists without ideology; a sign that is oriented on the past and represents a populist national ideology; the sign that is oriented on the future and represents the reformers, the bearers of new social values. Theoretical approaches to the interpretation of popular culture are analyzed and it is pointed out that a mass society emerging is necessary both for the phenomenon of popular culture and for political populism to perform the quantitative indicator of public preferences. Common characteristics in the functioning of popular culture and populism are revealed — symbolism, emotionality, "origin from people", resistance against the system. The decisive role of the media in cultural communication for both popular culture and political populism is emphasized. However, there are significant differences between popular culture and political populism. Popular culture has its own values, while political populism uses values of others. Comparing popular culture and its impact on culture in general on one hand and political popularization and its impact on the political system on the other, a scrutator could expect for some renewal and diversification of current political institutions that would be a positive factor for the global political system and global society.
政治民粹主义与大众文化
文章对政治民粹主义与大众文化的文化实践进行了比较分析。强调媒体在形成和促进大众运动和领导人方面的主导作用。马克斯•韦伯(Max Weber)认为,人们对领袖魅力的理解是不同的,领袖魅力会带来新的价值,而现代民粹主义领袖的伪魅力是由他们经常出现在媒体上造成的。民粹主义政治家在文化传播中被视为一种符号,政治家的个性被视为能指,政治家所倡导的意识形态被视为能指。在此基础上,民粹主义者被划分为三种理想类型:一种是关注当下、代表无意识形态的民粹主义者的空白符号;标志:以过去为导向的标志,代表民粹主义的民族意识形态;面向未来的标志,代表着改革者,新社会价值观的承担者。分析了大众文化解释的理论方法,并指出大众社会的出现对于大众文化现象和政治民粹主义都是必要的,以执行公众偏好的定量指标。揭示了大众文化与民粹主义运行的共同特征——象征主义、情绪性、“源于人民”、对体制的反抗。强调了大众文化和政治民粹主义在文化传播中的决定性作用。然而,大众文化与政治民粹主义之间存在着显著的差异。大众文化有自己的价值观,而政治民粹主义则使用他人的价值观。一方面比较大众文化及其对一般文化的影响,另一方面比较政治大众化及其对政治制度的影响,审查员可以期待当前政治制度的某种更新和多样化,这将是全球政治制度和全球社会的积极因素。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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