Mari usukombed läbi kaamerasilma: Tiia Peedumäe välitööd Mari Vabariigis aastatel 1991–1992

Tatiana Alybina
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Technological advances, and above all the introduction of the video camera significantly changed the methodology used to acquire material. The new cameras were lighter and more mobile, with a larger recording capacity and this allowed much more material to be documented.\nThe article analyses filming during field work aimed at investigating and documenting religious rituals – in particular, footage produced by Tiia Peedumäe and her collaborator, the camera operator Jaan Treial, in 1991 and 1992. The fieldwork diaries and video footage are used to trace how the researchers adapted to the community they were studying, and looks at the role of intermediaries in this process. \nTiia Peedumäe’s expeditions coincided with a time of great changes in ethnography and ethnology. 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The previous understanding reached with Mari activists living in Yoshkar-Ola – who were prepared to assist in the filming – was seen as inadequate in the sacrificial grove. Everything depended on the village elders who led the prayer service. Thanks to Peedumäe explaining how important scientific study was and the authority of the leaders of the Maris’ religious reawakening movement, ultimately permission was obtained for photographing and filming, although the researchers still were not given access to some phases of the ritual. \nA second expedition to the same village allowed the researchers to become more deeply immersed in the local culture. A few locals served as intermediaries between researchers and the community on that occasion. Thanks to the acquaintances already forged, more trust was evinced toward the ethnologists. Observation and recording of the rites of spring went off without a hitch. 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Abstract

The religious traditions of the Mari people viewed through the camera lens: Field work conducted by Tiia Peedumäe in the Mari El Republic in 1991–1992 The Estonian National Museum began acquiring photographic materials back in the early 20th century when pioneering Estonian photographer Johannes Pääsuke travelled around Estonia with a homemade camera documenting the way people lived. In the 1960s, ethnographic films became one of the main areas of the museum’s activity and the geography of fieldwork also expanded significantly. Efforts were made to commit to film the traditional culture of Estonians and other Finno-Ugric peoples. In the 1990s, modernity shifted into the focus, supplanting the older and fading culture. Technological advances, and above all the introduction of the video camera significantly changed the methodology used to acquire material. The new cameras were lighter and more mobile, with a larger recording capacity and this allowed much more material to be documented. The article analyses filming during field work aimed at investigating and documenting religious rituals – in particular, footage produced by Tiia Peedumäe and her collaborator, the camera operator Jaan Treial, in 1991 and 1992. The fieldwork diaries and video footage are used to trace how the researchers adapted to the community they were studying, and looks at the role of intermediaries in this process. Tiia Peedumäe’s expeditions coincided with a time of great changes in ethnography and ethnology. Peedumäe represents a generation of researchers who learned how to conduct fieldwork in the spirit of Soviet-era ethnography and later expanded their methodology as the research focus changed. During the autumn 1991 expedition, Peedumäe and Treial recorded the Maris’ first nationwide sacrificial feast in the village of Olori (Paranga Raion). They returned to the same village in June 1992, this time to study the spring sacrificial feast Aga-Pairem and a feast of remembrance of the dead, Semyk. The improved recording made some aspects easier for ethnologists although the work still required the ability to interact with the community. It is particularly important that there is trust between the people perpetuating a tradition and the cultural researchers. On the first occasion that Peedumäe and her colleagues went to record a worship ceremony with a video camera, they had difficulties getting consent from the villagers. The previous understanding reached with Mari activists living in Yoshkar-Ola – who were prepared to assist in the filming – was seen as inadequate in the sacrificial grove. Everything depended on the village elders who led the prayer service. Thanks to Peedumäe explaining how important scientific study was and the authority of the leaders of the Maris’ religious reawakening movement, ultimately permission was obtained for photographing and filming, although the researchers still were not given access to some phases of the ritual. A second expedition to the same village allowed the researchers to become more deeply immersed in the local culture. A few locals served as intermediaries between researchers and the community on that occasion. Thanks to the acquaintances already forged, more trust was evinced toward the ethnologists. Observation and recording of the rites of spring went off without a hitch. The ethnologists did not witness the preparation and course of the ritual of remembrance of family ancestors as mere observers – the family involved them in the ritual as if they were distant relatives or house guests. The video materials recorded on Peedumäe’s expeditions are one of the most complete documents of the revival of Mari religious traditions. Along with the fieldwork diary, they are valuable sources for studying the methodology of fieldwork and in particular, ritual filming practices. When the participant observation method is used, intermediaries between ethnologists and the community play a key role in the process of adaptation to the community being studied. The examples of collection of visual materials examined in the article demonstrate the importance of long-running and repeated fieldwork. Such fieldwork makes it possible to develop more trusting relations with cultural subjects and thereby access more private cultural strata.
通过相机镜头观察马里人的宗教传统:Tiia Peedumäe 1991-1992年在马里共和国进行的实地工作爱沙尼亚国家博物馆早在20世纪初就开始收集摄影材料,当时爱沙尼亚先驱摄影师Johannes Pääsuke带着一台自制的相机在爱沙尼亚各地旅行,记录了人们的生活方式。在20世纪60年代,民族志电影成为博物馆活动的主要领域之一,田野调查的地理范围也显著扩大。已作出努力,承诺拍摄爱沙尼亚人和其他芬兰-乌戈尔民族的传统文化。在20世纪90年代,现代性成为焦点,取代了陈旧和衰落的文化。技术的进步,尤其是摄像机的引进,极大地改变了人们获取材料的方法。新的相机更轻,更灵活,具有更大的记录容量,这允许记录更多的材料。本文分析了旨在调查和记录宗教仪式的实地工作中的拍摄情况,特别是Tiia Peedumäe和她的合作者摄影师Jaan Treial在1991年和1992年拍摄的镜头。实地工作日记和录像片段被用来追踪研究人员如何适应他们所研究的社区,并研究中介在这一过程中的作用。Tiia Peedumäe的探险恰逢民族志和民族学发生巨大变化的时期。Peedumäe代表了一代研究人员,他们学会了如何在苏联时代的民族志精神中进行田野调查,后来随着研究重点的变化,他们扩展了自己的方法。在1991年秋天的探险中,Peedumäe和Treial记录了马里斯人在Olori村(Paranga Raion)举行的第一次全国性的祭祀盛宴。1992年6月,他们回到了同一个村庄,这次是为了研究春季祭祀节Aga-Pairem和纪念死者的节日Semyk。改进后的记录使民族学家在某些方面更容易,尽管这项工作仍然需要与社区互动的能力。尤其重要的是,传承传统的人和文化研究者之间要有信任。Peedumäe和她的同事们第一次用摄像机记录一个礼拜仪式时,她们很难得到村民的同意。先前与住在Yoshkar-Ola的马里激进分子达成的谅解——他们准备协助拍摄——被认为在祭祀树林中是不够的。一切都取决于主持祈祷仪式的村里的长老。由于Peedumäe解释了科学研究的重要性,以及马里斯宗教复兴运动领导人的权威,最终获得了拍摄和拍摄的许可,尽管研究人员仍然没有获准进入仪式的某些阶段。对同一个村庄的第二次考察使研究人员更深入地沉浸在当地文化中。在那个场合,一些当地人充当了研究人员和社区之间的中间人。由于已经建立的熟人关系,对民族学家表现出了更多的信任。观察和记录春天的仪式进行得很顺利。民族学家并不仅仅作为旁观者来见证纪念家族祖先的仪式的准备和过程——家族把他们卷入仪式中,就好像他们是远亲或客人一样。Peedumäe探险队记录的视频材料是马里宗教传统复兴的最完整文件之一。与野外工作日记一起,它们是研究野外工作方法,特别是仪式拍摄实践的宝贵资源。当采用参与式观察法时,民族学家和社区之间的中介在适应被研究社区的过程中起着关键作用。文章中考察的视觉材料收集的例子说明了长期和重复的实地工作的重要性。这样的田野调查可以与文化主体建立更多的信任关系,从而接触到更多的私人文化阶层。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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