Civic Identity and Police Leisure in Birmingham during the Inter-War Years

S. Ewen
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Although social historians agree that work and leisure time had been separated by the inter-war years through the interlocking processes of industrialisation and urbanisation,2 there remained a strong bond between the two spheres in some specialised occupations. Miners, for example, developed strong communities reflected through the diffusion of sporting competitions and an enduring and integrated canteen culture.3 Fire-fighters, imbued by masculine trust through the heroic action of 'eating smoke' in a team environment, invariably socialized amongst themselves. Moreover, as the majority of professional fire-fighters worked the continuous duty system, they had limited scope for leaving the station grounds to pursue leisure activities.4 Similarly, police constables, through working in a close-knit community bound by the quasi-military ties of strict discipline, uniform and obedience, largely avoided recreational pursuits outside of the service. Rather, police employers (comprising senior officers and elected local authorities) pressured officers to mix together when off-duty to instil a sense of loyalty, honour and comradeship within the service. According to Haia Shpayer-Makov this helped create a 'multifaceted and vibrant' police subculture in the Metropolitan Police by 1910, created jointly by employers and employees. Police leisure was part of a broader strategy of building a homogeneous police community which extended into other areas of welfare, including housing, pay and pensions, holidays and education.5 Rooted in the process of greater central co-ordination of local policing during the First World War, the police was one such public service subj ected to increasing central regulation after 1918. With the vital role played by the police in protecting national sovereignty, it was deemed politically sensitive to disclose policy widely amongst municipalities, which inevitably led to greater vertical co-ordination between the Home Office and chief constables. 6 Moreover, following the failed police strike in 1918, the Home Secretary seized far-reaching powers to standardize force strengths, pay and conditions of service under the Police Act, 1919. The expansion of the annual police grant, from one-half of local expenditure on pay and uniforms to one-half the net cost of police administration, sweetened municipalities in preparation for the normalization of work practices, which naturally shifted the balance of financial power from the localities to central government. 7
两次世界大战期间伯明翰的公民认同与警察休闲
尽管社会历史学家一致认为,由于工业化和城市化的连锁进程,两次世界大战之间的年代已经把工作和休闲时间分开了,但在一些专门的职业中,这两个领域之间仍然存在着紧密的联系。例如,矿工发展了强大的社区,这反映在体育比赛的传播和持久而综合的食堂文化上消防员通过在团队环境中“吃烟”的英雄行为而获得了男性的信任,他们之间总是相互交往。此外,由于大多数专业消防队员实行连续值班制,他们离开消防局场地从事休闲活动的空间有限同样,警察由于在一个紧密联系的社区中工作,受到严格纪律、制服和服从的准军事关系的约束,在很大程度上避免了公务以外的娱乐活动。相反,警察雇主(包括高级官员和民选的地方当局)迫使警察在下班时混在一起,以在服务中灌输忠诚、荣誉和同志情谊。根据Haia Shpayer-Makov的说法,这有助于在1910年之前在大都会警察局创造一个“多方面和充满活力的”警察亚文化,由雇主和雇员共同创造。警察休闲是建立一个统一的警察社区的更广泛战略的一部分,该战略延伸到其他福利领域,包括住房、工资和养恤金、假期和教育警察是一种公共服务,1918年以后受到越来越多的中央监管,这源于第一次世界大战期间对地方警务进行更大程度的中央协调。由于警察在保护国家主权方面发挥着至关重要的作用,在市政当局之间广泛披露政策被认为具有政治敏感性,这不可避免地导致了内政部和警察局长之间更大的纵向协调。此外,在1918年警察罢工失败后,内政大臣根据1919年的《警察法》,掌握了广泛的权力,规范了警力、薪酬和服务条件。年度警察补助金的扩大,从地方工资和制服支出的一半增加到警察管理净成本的一半,使市政当局为工作惯例的正常化做好了准备,这自然使财政权力的平衡从地方转移到中央政府。7
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