Social dimensions of language testing

R. Young
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引用次数: 5

Abstract

Toward the end of the academic year, a man with a clipboard turned up at one of the capital city's best high schools. He sauntered from classroom to classroom, ignoring the students and instead engaged in seemingly trivial chitchat with the teachers, twenty minutes at a time. Tell me, what subjects are your specialties? How long have you worked here? Can you explain to me a little about how you prepare your lessons? The inspector didn't seem to be particularly interested in what the teachers said. He only cared about how they said it. Olga Muravyova teaches biology and geography. She laughed nervously as she recalled her meeting with the inspector. 'He wrote a report saying that r understood all the questions, that I answered all the questions, but that r made some errors. That is actually what he claimed,' Ms. Muravyova said. 'Of course that is hard to hear.' After the inspector told her that she had failed the test, he told her to attend Estonian classes, which she has tried to do. But she is 57, an age when it is not easy to pick up a new language. This vignette, based on a stmy in the New York Times (Levy, 201 0), describes part of a test of spoken Estonian required since 2008 of teachers and other civil servants. In this small fmmer Soviet republic on the Baltic Sea, the government has been mounting a determined campaign to elevate the status ofits native language and to marginalize Russian, the tongue ofitsfmmer colonizer. Public schools, where students have long been taught in Russian, are now linguistic battlegrounds and the test itself is a skirmish betv.reen Estonian and Russian. The test and Ms. Muravyova's expe1ience illustrate two social dimen­ sions oflanguage testing: The first is the construct oflanguage knowledge on which the test is built and on which test results are inte1preted; the second is what happens to individuals, societies, and institutions when the test is used-the social consequences of assessment. In this chapter, I describe both of these dimensions and argue that, until quite recently, language tests have been built on incomplete knowledge of the social ground oflanguage in interaction and the social consequences oflanguage assessment.
语言测试的社会维度
学年快结束时,一个拿着剪贴板的男人出现在首都最好的一所高中。他从一个教室闲逛到另一个教室,不理睬学生,而是和老师们聊一些看似无关紧要的话题,每次聊二十分钟。告诉我,你的专长是什么?你在这里工作多久了?你能给我解释一下你是怎么备课的吗?检查员似乎对老师们说的话并不特别感兴趣。他只在乎他们怎么说。Olga Muravyova教授生物和地理。当她回忆起与检查员的会面时,她紧张地笑了起来。“他写了一份报告,说我理解了所有的问题,我回答了所有的问题,但我犯了一些错误。穆拉约娃说,他实际上就是这么说的。“当然,这让人难以接受。”在检查员告诉她考试不及格后,他让她去上爱沙尼亚语课,她也试过这样做。但她已经57岁了,在这个年纪学习一门新语言并不容易。这个小插图,基于纽约时报的一篇文章(Levy, 2010),描述了自2008年以来对教师和其他公务员要求的爱沙尼亚语口语测试的一部分。在这个位于波罗的海的前苏联小共和国,政府一直在发起一场坚决的运动,以提高其母语的地位,并将俄语——前殖民者的语言——边缘化。长期以来,公立学校的学生一直用俄语授课,如今,这些学校成了语言的战场。绿色爱沙尼亚语和俄语。这个测试和穆拉约娃女士的经历说明了语言测试的两个社会层面:第一个是语言知识的建构,测试建立在这个基础上,测试结果也在这个基础上得到解释;第二个是当使用测试时,个人、社会和机构会发生什么——评估的社会后果。在本章中,我描述了这两个维度,并认为,直到最近,语言测试都是建立在对语言在互动中的社会基础和语言评估的社会后果的不完整知识的基础上的。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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